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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 26 (search)
er; if they won't hear advice, they must expect reverses. What we have to teach Washington is, that such is the full purpose of the millions, and under it and in it is the certainty of success,--the millions, not the leaders. In my judgment, unless the sky soon clears, the Republican party has proved its own incapacity,--written Ichabod on its own brow. Judging by the past, whose will and wit can we trust? None of them,--I am utterly impartial,--neither President nor Cabinet nor Senate. Peel off Seward, peel off Halleck, peel off Blair, peel off Sumner,--yes, Massachusetts Senators as well as others. No, I will not say peel off our Massachusetts Senators; but I will say their recent action has very materially lessened my confidence in their intelligence and fidelity. I will tell you why. When the government called on New England for a negro regiment, and we went from county to county urging the blacks to enlist, one Massachusetts Colonel dared to say, down in South Carolina, in
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The Maine liquor law (1865) or, the laws of the Commonwealth-shall they be enforced? (search)
The votes of the streets cannot execute the laws. You may be astonished, indignant, incredulous; but the history of all great cities proves it. San Francisco flung herself out of a government into the hands of private citizens to save herself from anarchy. Baltimore did the same, New Orleans did the same. New York, wise by experience, saved herself from the same lot by going to Albany, and invoking the shelter of the State. London, the capital of the civilized world, in the time of Sir Robert Peel, found herself unable to deal with the criminal classes of the city, and she invoked the aid of Parliament and the whole realm to govern her territory. Boston has grown within ten years so much into the resemblance of a crowded capital that the same result is reached here. Why, ladies and gentlemen, we relieve every year the poverty of fifty thousand persons on this peninsula, forty thousand of them, according to the testimony of benevolent societies and the overseers of the poor, r
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Address to the Boston school children (1865). (search)
th you is the ever-watchful hand of city culture and wealth. All the motive we can give you is the name you bear. Bear it nobly! I was in the West where they partly love and partly hate the Yankee. A man undertook to explain the difference between a watch made in Boston and one made in Chicago. He asked me what I thought of it. I answered him as a Boston man should: We always do what we undertake to do thoroughly. That is Boston. Boston has set the example of doing; do better. Sir Robert Peel said in the last hours of his life: I have left the Queen's service; I have held the highest offices in the gift of the Crown; and now, going out of public life [he had just removed bread from the tax-list], the happiest thought I have is that when the poor man breaks his bread in his cottage, he thanks God that I ever lived. Fellow-citizens, the warmest compliment I ever heard was breathed into my ears from the lips of a fugitive from South Carolina. In his hovel at home he said: I
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, The scholar in a republic (1881). (search)
others. I urge on college-bred men, that, as a class, they fail in republican duty when they allow others to lead in the agitation of the great social questions which stir and educate the age. Agitation is an old word with a new meaning. Sir Robert Peel, the first English leader who felt himself its tool, defined it to be marshalling the conscience of a nation to mould its laws. Its means are reason and argument,--no appeal to arms. Wait patiently for the growth of public opinion. That ground of despondency as to the melioration of the human race. These are English testimonies, where the State rests more than half on bayonets. Here we are trying to rest the ballot-box on a drunken people. We can rule a great city, said Sir Robert Peel, America cannot; and he cited the mobs of New York as sufficient proof of his assertion. Thoughtful men see that up to this hour the government of great cities has been with us a failure; that worse than the dry-rot of legislative corrupt
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2, Daniel O'Connell (1875.) (search)
rokenhearted, and servile. He made her a nation whose first word broke in pieces the iron obstinacy of Wellington, tossed Peel from the cabinet, and gave the government to the Whigs; whose colossal figure, like the helmet in Walpole's romance, has fhe credit all those measures do to English leaders; but, in my opinion, the next generation will test the statesmanship of Peel, Palmerston, Russell, and Gladstone, almost entirely by their conduct of the Irish question. All the laurels they have hiushes Whig and Tory ministers alike from their stools. But Brougham says he was a demagogue. Fie on Wellington, Derby, Peel, Palmerston, Liverpool, Russell, and Brougham, to be fooled and ruled by a demagogue! What must they, the subjects, be, i, and ruling by force. The last was civilization, ruling by ideas. Agitation is an old word with a new meaning. Sir Robert Peel, the first English leader who felt he was its tool, defined it to be the marshalling of the conscience of a nation t
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 11: first mission to England.—1833. (search)
is the final and entire abolition of slavery; and Mr. George Thompson cited a placard of one of Cresson's meetings, headed, American Colonization Society and the Abolition of Slavery. Mr. Garrison then described with what feelings he heard Sir Robert Peel in the House of Commons Lib. 3.126, 167. a few days before June 3. Look at the consequences of emancipation in some of the Eastern States of America, where slavery had been abolished for some time. In these the price of labor was higyal, prelates of the church, members of both London Breakfast to W. L. G., p. 47. Houses of Parliament, many of England's proudest nobility, and representatives of the intellect, virtue, philanthropy, and industry of the land—behind Wellington, Peel, Graham, Morpeth, Fowell Buxton, Lushington, Stanley, the Grattans—walked with his friend George Thompson the editor of the Liberator, the least observed and the least known of the funeral procession, yet the one upon whom, if upon any one, Wilber
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1, Chapter 14: first weeks in London.—June and July, 1838.—Age, 27. (search)
s, Vol. XL. pp. 617-655. Need I tell you that the interest was thrilling during the whole time? Peel 1788-1850. Peel was at this period the leader of the Conservatives. In 1835 he had been succePeel was at this period the leader of the Conservatives. In 1835 he had been succeeded by Lord Melbourne as Prime-Minister; afterwards, in 1841, he succeeded Lord Melbourne. made a beautiful speech,—polished, graceful, self-possessed, candid, or apparently candid, in the extreme. He was elected to Parliament in 1835, 1837, and 1841; was Solicitor-General, 1834-35, under Sir Robert Peel, and again in 1841, and became Attorney-General in 1841. Miss Martineau said of him that ht does not adopt the great radical measure of the ballot and the extension of the suffrage. . . . Peel is prudent, and with his forty thousand pounds a year can afford to wait; whereas Lyndhurst is desperately poor, and wishes office for its lucre. Peel is feared by the Radicals, on account of his prudence. I told the editor of the Spectator (Mr. Rintoul） Robert S. Rintoul, 1787-1855; the fou
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2, Chapter 17: London again.—characters of judges.—Oxford.—Cambridge— November and December, 1838.—Age, 27. (search)
hink it more than probable that he could be Lord Chancellor. Sir Edward Sugden is on the shelf completely; But he was afterwards Lord Chancellor as Lord St. Leonards. and the immoralities of Lord Lyndhurst render him not very agreeable to Sir Robert Peel. But I will not discuss these things now; I shall soon send you a many-sheeter, or several letters, in which I will give you sketches of all the judges and lawyers, reporters, &c. I need not say that I now know nearly all, and with many having reached an eminence at the bar equalling if not surpassing his father's, was appointed Lord Chief-Justice of the Common Pleas in 1873, and made a peer in 1874. is the junior of the Queen's Bench, and a moderate Tory, who was appointed by Sir Robert Peel. He never had a large business at the bar, but has pleased everybody on the bench. I believe him to be a man of learning, and of the highest honor,—in personal appearance quite agreeable, and in accomplishments inferior to nobody on the be
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2, Chapter 18: Stratford-on-avon.—Warwick.—London.—Characters of judges and lawyers.—authors.—society.—January, 1839, to March, 1839.—Age, 28. (search)
Lord Wharncliffe, on the evening of B.'s speech on the Reform Bill, that it was the greatest speech he ever heard in his life; and his life covered the period of Pitt and Fox. In this judgment Lord W. concurred. Mr. Rogers has told me that Sir Robert Peel said he never knew what eloquence was till he heard B.'s speech on the abolition of slavery in the West Indies. Do not listen to the articles and the reports that Lord B. is no speaker. He is most eloquent; and his voice, as I heard it ins attractive manner. He is the great favorite of the Tories, and, in the event of their return to power, would be Lord Chancellor,—a leap wonderful to take, but which, all seem to agree, would be allowed to him. In the event of the death of Sir Robert Peel,—such is the favor to him,—I think he might become the leader of the Tories in the Commons, if he would consent, which is not at all probable. I do not think his politics are founded on much knowledge. Circumstances have thrown him into th<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2, Jan. 27, 1839. (search)
am Hall; that the letter was a capital one, and that every line contained a fact. Truly his Lordship is a wonderful man; and, I am disposed to believe, the most eloquent one in English history. I think I have already told you that Earl Grey said to Lord Wharncliffe, on the evening of B.'s speech on the Reform Bill, that it was the greatest speech he ever heard in his life; and his life covered the period of Pitt and Fox. In this judgment Lord W. concurred. Mr. Rogers has told me that Sir Robert Peel said he never knew what eloquence was till he heard B.'s speech on the abolition of slavery in the West Indies. Do not listen to the articles and the reports that Lord B. is no speaker. He is most eloquent; and his voice, as I heard it in the Lords six months ago, still rings in my ear. And yet I cannot pardon his gross want of propriety in conversation. Think of the language I heard him use about O'Connell. He called him a damned thief. You will also read the article on Prescot
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