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Dominican Republic (Dominican Republic) (search for this): chapter 29
your hand, does not rob Walpole and Colbert, Chatham and Richelieu, of their title to be considered statesmen. To do it, as Martin Luther did, when one must ingeniously discover or invent his tools, and while the mightiest forces that influence human affairs are arrayed against him, that is what ranks O'Connell with the few masterly statesmen the English-speaking race has ever had. When Napoleon's soldiers bore the negro chief Toussaint L'Ouverture into exile, he said, pointing back to San Domingo, You think you have rooted up the tree of liberty, but I am only a branch. I have planted the tree itself so deep that ages will never root it up. And whatever may be said of the social or industrial condition of Hayti during the last seventy years, its nationality has never been successfully assailed. O'Connell is the only Irishman who can say as much of Ireland. From the peace of Utrecht, 1713, till the fall of Napoleon, Great Britain was the leading State in Europe; while Ireland
Liverpool (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 29
em, in order to succeed. All failed; and not only failed, but acknowledged they could see no way in which success could ever be achieved. O'Connell achieved it. Out of this darkness, he called forth light. Out of this most abject, weak, and pitiable of kingdoms, he made a power; and dying, he left in Parliament a spectre, which, unless appeased, pushes Whig and Tory ministers alike from their stools. But Brougham says he was a demagogue. Fie on Wellington, Derby, Peel, Palmerston, Liverpool, Russell, and Brougham, to be fooled and ruled by a demagogue! What must they, the subjects, be, if O'Connell, their king, be only a bigot and a demagogue? A demagogue rides the storm; he has never really the ability to create one. He uses it narrowly, ignorantly, and for selfish ends. If not crushed by the force which, without his will, has flung him into power, he leads it with ridiculous miscalculation against some insurmountable obstacle that scatters it forever. Dying, he leaves
Scotia (search for this): chapter 29
n the academy. All these gave their lives to Ireland; and when the present century opened, where wn spite of Saxon-Protestant hate, to lift all Ireland to the level of British citizenship,--this waeader would have snapped the chain that bound Ireland to his throne. His ministers recognized it; ds of civil equality. O'Connell did this for Ireland,--this which no Irishman before had ever dreanother; but, after all, they left the helm of Ireland's destiny in foreign and hostile hands. O'Co than all, he was a statesman, for he gave to Ireland's own keeping the key of her future. As LordHe had transformed the whole social system of Ireland; almost reversed the relative positions of Prmpire. Its share in the British empire makes Ireland's strength and importance. Standing alone amthe next, O'Connell was wise in claiming that Ireland's rights would never be safe without home rull was listened to because all England and all Ireland knew that there was a man behind the speech,-[9 more...]
Dublin (Irish Republic) (search for this): chapter 29
ng years O'Connell lifted these three millions of men, and flung them against the British government at every critical moment, and no sheriff ever put his hand on one of his followers; and when late in life the Queen's Bench of Judges, sitting in Dublin, sent him to jail, he stood almost alone in his interpretation of the statutes against the legal talent of the Island. He appealed to the House of Lords, and the judges of England confirmed his construction of the law, and set him free. Fourthlsince how great a danger and curse Ireland would have been to the empire had she continued the cancer Pitt and Castlereagh left her is a chapter of history which, fortunately, can never be written. No demagogue ever walked through the streets of Dublin, as O'Connell and Grattan did more than once, hooted and mobbed because they opposed themselves to the mad purpose of the people, and crushed it by a stern resistance. No demagogue would have offered himself to a race like the Irish as the apos
Cincinnati (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
from Massachusetts, a free State. But, said the guest, this is slavery you allude to, Mr. O'Connell. I would like to say a word to you in justification of that institution. Very well, sir,--free speech in this house; say anything you please. But before you begin to defend a man's right to own his brother, allow me to step out and lock up my spoons. That was the man. The ocean of his philanthropy knew no shore. And right in this connection, let me read the following despatch:-- Cincinnati, O., August 6. Wendell Phillips, Boston: The national conference of colored newspaper-men to the O'Connell Celebration, greeting:-- Resolved, That it is befitting a convention of colored men assembled on the centennial anniversary of the birth of the liberator of Ireland and friend of humanity, Daniel O'Connell, to recall with gratitude his eloquent and effective pleas for the freedom of our race; and we earnestly commend his example to our countrymen. J. C. Jackson, Secretary. Pe
America (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 29
poet, one of his bitterest assailants thirty years ago, has laid a chaplet of atonement on his altar, and one verse runs,-- great world-leader of a mighty age! Praise unto thee let all the people give. By thy great name of Liberator live In golden letters upun history's page; And this thy epitaph while time shall be,--He found his country chained, but left her free. It is natural that Ireland should remember him as her Liberator. But, strange as it may seem to you, I think Europe and America will remember him by a higher title. I said in opening, that the cause of constitutional government is more indebted to O'Connell than to any other political leader of the last two centuries. What I mean is, that he invented the great method of constitutional agitation. Agitator is a title which will last longer, which suggests a broader and more permanent influence, and entitles him to the gratitude of far more millions, than the name Ireland loves to give him. The first great agitator i
Trajectum (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 29
's soldiers bore the negro chief Toussaint L'Ouverture into exile, he said, pointing back to San Domingo, You think you have rooted up the tree of liberty, but I am only a branch. I have planted the tree itself so deep that ages will never root it up. And whatever may be said of the social or industrial condition of Hayti during the last seventy years, its nationality has never been successfully assailed. O'Connell is the only Irishman who can say as much of Ireland. From the peace of Utrecht, 1713, till the fall of Napoleon, Great Britain was the leading State in Europe; while Ireland, a comparatively insignificant island, lay at its feet. She weighed next to nothing in the scale of British politics. The Continent pitied, and England despised her. O'Connell found her a mass of quarrelling races and sects, divided, dispirited, brokenhearted, and servile. He made her a nation whose first word broke in pieces the iron obstinacy of Wellington, tossed Peel from the cabinet, and g
Hungary (Hungary) (search for this): chapter 29
without a stain, a nation without a crime! We Abolitionists appealed to him, O eloquent son of the Magyar, come to break chains! have you no word, no pulse-beat, for four millions of negroes bending under a yoke ten times heavier than that of Hungary? He answered, I would forget anybody, I would praise anything, to help Hungary. O'Connell never said anything like that. When I was in Naples, I asked Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, a Tory, Is O'Connell an honest man? As honest a man as ever brHungary. O'Connell never said anything like that. When I was in Naples, I asked Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, a Tory, Is O'Connell an honest man? As honest a man as ever breathed, said he, and then told me this story: When, in 1830, O'Connell entered Parliament, the Antislavery cause was so weak that it had only Lushington and myself to speak for it; and we agreed that when he spoke I should cheer him, and when I spoke he should cheer me; and these were the only cheers we ever got. O'Connell came, with one Irish member to support him. A large number of members [I think Buxton said twenty-seven] whom we called the West-India interest, the Bristol party, the slave
Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
d: every rising had ended at the scaffold; even Grattan brought them to 1798. O'Connell said, Follow me: put your feet where mine have trod, and a sheriff shall never lay hand on your shoulder. And the great lawyer kept his pledge. This unmatched, long-continued power almost passes belief. You can only appreciate it by comparison. Let me carry you back to the mob-year of 1835, in this country, when the Abolitionists were hunted; when the streets roared with riot; when from Boston to Baltimore, from St. Louis to Philadelphia, a mob took possession of every city; when private houses were invaded and public halls were burned; press after press was thrown into the river; and Lovejoy baptized freedom with his blood. You remember it. Respectable journals warned the mob that they were playing into the hands of the Abolitionists. Webster and Clay and the staff of Whig statesmen told the people that the truth floated farther on the shouts of the mob than the most eloquent lips could c
Yorkshire (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 29
ght; that is the correct statement. That every man should be allowed freely to worship God according to his conscience, that no man's civil rights should be affected by his religious creed, were both cardinal principles of O'Connell. He had no fear that any doctrine of his faith could be endangered by the freest possible discussion. Learn of him, also, sympathy with every race and every form of oppression. No matter who was the sufferer, or what the form of the injustice,--starving Yorkshire peasant, imprisoned Chartist, persecuted Protestant, or negro slave; no matter of what right, personal or civil, the victim had been robbed; no matter what religious pretext or political juggle alleged necessity as an excuse for his oppression; no matter with what solemnities he had been devoted on the altar of slavery, -the moment O'Connell saw him, the altar and the god sank together in the dust, the victim was acknowledged a man and a brother, equal in all rights, and entitled to all th
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