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sovereignty into unlimited monarchy, resting on a standing military force. Still surrounded by danger, his inflexible and uncontrolled will stamped the impress of harshness even on his necessary policy, of tyranny on his errors of judgment, and of rapine and violence on his measures for aggrandizement. Yet Prussia, which was the favorite disciple of Luther and the child of the Reformation, while it held the sword upright, bore with every creed and set reason free. It offered a shelter to Rousseau, and called in D'Alembert and Voltaire as its guests; it set Semler to hold the Bible itself under the light of criticism; it breathed into the boldly thoughtful Lessing widest hopes for the education of the race to a universal brotherhood on earth; it gave its youth to the teachings of Immanuel Kant, who, for power of analysis and universality, was inferior to none since Aristotle. An army and a treasure do not constitute a power, said Vergennes; but Prussia had also philosophic liberty.
and a new class gained a voice in the world of published thought. With Jean Jacques Rousseau truth was no more to employ the discreet insinuations of academicians; n man's spiritual nature, and solacing the ills of life by trust in God See Rousseau to Voltaire.— he breathed the spirit of revolution into words of flame. Fearlh he had suffered, from the wrongs of the down-trodden which he had shared, Rousseau: Confessions; Partie I., livre IV. Il me fit entendre qu'il cachoit son vin á when Bedford and Choiseul were concluding the peace that was ratified in 1763, Rousseau, in a little essay on the social compact, published to the millions, that whilall the teachers who had asserted freedom for the reason of each separate man. Rousseau claimed power for the public mind over the mind of each member of the state, wits opinions a creed, and of punishing every dissenter with exile or death; Rousseau: Du Contrat Social, livre IV. chap. VIII. Il y a done une profession de foi p
ter of the Bible. English Deists, tracing Christianity to reason and teaching that it was as old as creation, were the forerunners of the German Rationalists. English treatises on the human understanding were the sources of the materialism of France. In the atmosphere of England Voltaire ripened the speculative views which he pub- chap. III.} 1763. lished as English Letters; there Montesquieu sketched a government which should make liberty its end; and from English writings and example Rousseau derived the idea of a social compact. Every Englishman discussed public affairs; busy politicians thronged the coffee-houses; petitions were sent to parliament from popular assemblies; cities, boroughs, and counties framed addresses to the king: and yet, such was the stability of the institutions of England amidst the factious conflicts of parties, such her loyalty to law even in her change of dynasties, such her self-control while resisting power, such the fixedness of purpose lying benea
number, saw with derision the small number of the visionaries. As chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. for Camden himself, they said Mansfield had utterly prostrated him. De Guerchy au Duc de Praslin, 4 Fevrier, 1766. Even while Mansfield was explaining to the House of Lords, that the American theory of representation included in its idea a thorough reform of the British House of Commons, George the Third was led to offer a pension of a hundred guineas a year to the Genevese republican, Jean Jacques Rousseau, who had just then arrived in England, a fugitive from France, where his works were condemned to be burned by the hands of the executioner, and he himself was in peril of arrest and indefinite imprisonment. The drift of his writings was not well understood, and no one foreboded the extent of their influence. But he was come among a people very unlike himself, and the illusion that hung round the celebrated author soon gave way to disgust at his vile connections, and indifference to