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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 342 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 180 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 178 2 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 168 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 122 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 118 2 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 118 2 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 106 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 102 2 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 97 3 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for William H. Seward or search for William H. Seward in all documents.

Your search returned 84 results in 9 document sections:

Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 11 (search)
e, and it was all destroyed,--ten tons of hay, six head of cattle, the finest horse in the country, &c. The Deacon was nearly crazed by it. The men in the store began exclaiming and commenting upon it. What a loss! says one. Why, the Deacon will well-nigh break down under it, says another. And so they went on, speculating one after another, and the conversation drifted on in all sorts of conjectures. At last, a quiet man, who sat spitting in the fire, looked up, and asked, Did he hit the owl? [Tumultuous applause.] That man was made for the sturdy reformer, of one idea, whom Mr. Seward described. No matter what the name of the thing be; no matter what the sounding phrase is, what tub be thrown to the whale, always ask the politician and the divine, Did he hit that owl? Is liberty safe? Is man sacred? They say, Sir, I am a fanatic, and so I am. But, Sir, none of us have yet risen high enough. Afar off, I see Carver and Bradford, and I mean to get up to them. [Loud cheers.]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
hearts beating welcome below. [Cheers.] Mr. Seward said, in 1850: You may slay the Wilmot Provi sad result of anodynes. [Applause.] Surely Mr. Seward, seeing all this, was right in confessing, a Liberty dwells, there is my country. But Mr. Seward closes that speech in hope,--hope grounded others failed to do, mount those Arab horses, Mr. Seward, and fly to the desert! But you can't fly wll he can grant. Well, on the other side is Mr. Seward. He believes the free negro should sit on j instruments. Let me take the speeches of Mr. Seward as an illustration of American statesmen. Ihe is a statesman. In 1848, at Cleveland, Mr. Seward said: We of New York are guilty of slavery semoralization, and cheered and sustained me [Mr. Seward] through it! And at St. Paul, he snaps his science, only the blade boasted it could bend. Seward, after coiling in and out, insists on our beli which will force them to our position. Not Mr. Seward's Union and liberty, which he stole and pois[10 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Mobs and education. (search)
epublic tremble, the settlement of which is identical with the surviving of our government,--a topic upon which every press, every legislature, every magistrate, south of Mason and Dixon's line, flings defiance at the Union, amid the plaudits of Mr. Fay and his friends. What day was it? The anniversary of the martyrdom of the only man whose name stirs the pulses of Europe in this generation. [Derisive laughter.] English statesmen confess never to have read a line of Webster. You may name Seward in Munich and Vienna, in Pesth or in Naples, and vacant eyes will ask you, Who is he? But all Europe, the leaders and the masses, spoke by the lips of Victor Hugo, when he said, The death of Brown is more than Cain killing Abel; it is Washington slaying Spartacus. [Laughter from some parts of the hall, and from others applause.] What was the time of this meeting? An hour when our Senators and Representatives were vindicating the free speech of Massachusetts in Washington, in the face
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
trade and secure growth. Without the Union, Mr. Seward tells us we can neither be safe, rich, strontitution. In September last (at La Crosse), Mr. Seward himself said, What are they [the Southern St slaveholding possible in fifteen States. Mr. Seward is a power in the state. It is worth while honest and firm, has two enemies to fight,--Mr. Seward and the South. His power is large. Alrea speech, this hour, throughout the North. Mr. Seward confessed, at Chicago, that neither free speody's afraid nobody can be bought. (Yet now Mr. Seward himself trembles!) while every honest man fes for the chance of saving such a Union that Mr. Seward and Mr. Adams break in Washington all the pron to be very nervously anxious now. Indeed, Mr. Seward's picture of the desolation and military weathern bayonets, calming the masters' fears. Mr. Seward's words, which I have just quoted, tell you South Carolina will have no more influence on Seward than those of Palmerston. The wishes of New O[26 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
Of late, Webster and Clay, Everett and Botts, Seward and Adams, have been anxiously clasping the va then. I should not be willing to assert that Seward and Adams are any more honest than Webster and I fear he will never be able to stand against Seward, Adams, half the Republican wire-pullers, and the Seaboard. But even now, if Seward and the rest had stood firm, as Lincoln, Sumner, Chase, Wade,t to pieces. Chain the Hellespont, Mr. Xerxes-Seward, before you dream of balking the Northern hear eloquent on this point, Mr. Adams positive, Mr. Seward cunning, Thurlow Weed indignant. [Laughter.d yes, and her courage consisted in skulking. Seward would swear to support the Constitution, but n; Winter Davis, Blair, and Cassius Clay, their Seward and Garrison. 3d. The Gulf States will mon the Constitution, and actually obey it. Now Mr. Seward and Mr. Joel Parker, who both believe in thean-stealing. On the whole, I should rather be Seward than Dana; for perjury is the more gentlemanly
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
laim the world's sympathy in riveting weakened chains. I say the North had a right to assume these positions. She did not. She had a right to ignore revolution until these conditions were complied with; but she did not. She waived it. In obedience to the advice of Madison, to the long history of her country's forbearance, to the magnanimity of nineteen States, she waited; she advised the government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indicated that this would be the wise course. Mr. Seward hinted it in his speech in New York. The London Times bade us remember the useless war of 1776, and take warning against resisting the principles of popular sovereignty. The Tribune, whose unflinching fidelity and matchless ability make it in this fight the white plume of Navarre, has again and again avowed its readiness to waive forms and go into convention. We have waited. We said, Anything for peace. We obeyed the magnanimous statesmanship of John Quincy Adams. Let me read you his
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 21 (search)
olution; none till she fulfils her promise in this respect. I know how we stand to-day, with the frowning cannon of the English fleet ready to be thrust out of the port-holes against us. But I can answer England with a better answer than William H. Seward can write. I can answer her with a more statesmanlike paper than Simon Cameron can indite. I would answer her with the Stars and Stripes floating over Charleston and New Orleans, and the itinerant Cabinet of Richmond packing up archives ar fathers, to demand its exact fulfilment, and in order to save this Union, which now means justice and peace, to recognize the rights of four millions of its victims. This is the dictate of justice;--justice, which at this hour is craftier than Seward, more statesmanlike than Cameron; justice, which appeals from the cabinets of Europe to the people; justice, which abases the proud and lifts up the humble; justice, which disarms England, saves the slaves from insurrection, and sends home the Co
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 22 (search)
and the Defence Committee, have just led the way. Some of the Western Councils have followed, it is said. Let us hope that they may have decisive effect at Washington; but I do not believe they will. I do not believe there is in that Cabinet — Seward, Chase, Stanton, Wells, or the President of the country — enough to make a leader. If McClellan should capitulate in his swamp, if Johnston should take Washington, if Butler should be driven out of New Orleans, if those ten fabulous iron ships n its readers begin to believe that McClellan is made of mud, it is a bright sign. Do not look to the Capital. We did think there was something in Stanton; there may be; but he is overslaughed, he is eclipsed, he has gone into retirement behind Seward. The policy which prevails at Washington is to do nothing, and wait for events. I asked the lawyers of Illinois, who had practised law with Mr. Lincoln for twenty years, Is he a man of decision, is he a man who can say no? They all said: If yo
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 26 (search)
r wholly free. In October of the same year, Mr. Seward, in his great irrepressible conflict speech cid with cologne-water. You cannot hurl William H. Seward at Jeff Davis. [Great applause and laugsound vegetable. So you will have to peel off Seward and Halleck, Blair and Chase [laughter], till emont. You may take another parallel. One is Seward, and another is Butler. Seward does not belieSeward does not believe in war, but in diplomacy or compromise. He has prophesied again and again that this war, like th of them; we shall get over it in sixty days. Seward believes it yet; he receives commissioners; hent, is the change needed in civil affairs. If Seward is a Republican, God grant us a Democratic sucsent. I am saying nothing of the motives of Mr. Seward, nothing. When a man is dying, an honest mian't; he says he knows nothing about it. William H. Seward can't; he says he knows nothing about iter President nor Cabinet nor Senate. Peel off Seward, peel off Halleck, peel off Blair, peel off Su[1 more...]