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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 342 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 180 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 178 2 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 168 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 122 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 118 2 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 118 2 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 106 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 102 2 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 97 3 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for William H. Seward or search for William H. Seward in all documents.

Your search returned 23 results in 9 document sections:

Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 1: re-formation and Reanimation.—1841. (search)
der as felons citizens charged with aiding slaves to escape, to establish quarantine against the ships of Maine and New York. More desperately unconstitutional was the proposal of Governor McDonald of Georgia, that even Lib. 11.183. packages from New York or any like offending State should be subjected to inspection, and suspicious persons therefrom be obliged to give security for good behavior— in the midst of a contented slave population. The Governor of Virginia declined to honor Governor Seward's Lib. 11.54. demand for the extradition of a New York forger—a piece of retaliation too dangerous to escape the censure of his own Legislature, though it subsequently passed an inspection law for vessels destined for New York, as Lib. 12.10. did South Carolina. These laws could be suspended by the Executive when New York surrendered the alleged fugitives from justice to Virginia, and its Legislature repealed the act of 1840 extending the right of trial by jury to citizens whose fr
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 5: Texas.—1845. (search)
solutions were laid on the Lib. 15.18. table. Months passed, during which inaction on the part of the North paved the way to the catastrophe, and sapped the Lib. 15.82. courage of the resistants—the political and practical resistants. William H. Seward, in a public letter to Salmon P. Chase, submitted in advance to the inevitable Lib. 15.113. annex ation of Texas, repudiating disunion. His counter measure was to enlarge the area of freedom—as if the South did not provide for that by cing slavery perpetual, Lib. 15.39. and authorizing the Legislature to forbid the landing of Lib. 15.54. any colored seaman—the toleration of which by Congress was a virtual approval of the action of South Carolina towards Mr. Hoar. Yet still Mr. Seward contended— We must resist unceasingly the admission of slave States, and demand the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia Lib. 15.113.; and he even dreamed, when one independent Congress had been elected, that the internal slave-tra
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
rn doughfaces, while in sixteen committees she had carefully secured a majority of actual slaveholders, and from all had insolently excluded the three truly Northern Lib. 20.32. Senators, Hale, Seward, and Chase. A House, packed J. P. Hale, W. H. Seward. S. P. Chase. in like manner, completed the Congress whose destiny it was to pour oil upon the flames of the agitation it sought to extinguish. For eight months after Mr. Clay introduced his so-called Compromise Resolutions, they, Jan. 21, 1tion; while a fifth only reluctantly admitted California as a free State when she had refused to contaminate herself with slavery. Which one of these measures has superfluous merit to be received in extenuation of the Fugitive Slave Law? （William H. Seward, letter of April 5, 1851, to the Massachusetts Convention in Boston, Lib. 21: 77.) and Webster's main purpose was to overcome Northern repugnance to that measure, the rest of his indescribably base and wicked speech, as Lib. 20.43. Mr. Ga
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
ry bad character; or they will destroy their evidence by opposing testimony. I long to have some one acknowledge the fact, if he did anything to help Jerry's escape, and rest his defence, 1st, upon the unconstitutionality of the Law; 2dly, upon the egregious wickedness Cf. Lib. 21.198. of the Law. It is now no longer probable that either Gerrit Smith, Charles A. Wheaton, or myself, will be indicted. They were, however (Lib. 21: 187), at Auburn; and, bailors being called for, Hon. William H. Seward stepped forward and put his name first upon the bond, and afterwards entertained the traitors at his home. They were never tried. See the full account of the Jerry rescue in May's Recollections of the A. S. Conflict, pp. 373-384. I suppose that warrants were issued by Judge Conkling for me and for Mr. Wheaton. Alfred Conkling. Why they were not served, the managers of such matters best know. It is not that we have cowered to them. I have spoken and written, if possible, more pl
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 13: the Bible Convention.—1853. (search)
ut his solitary courage amid a contemptuous and murderous pro-slavery body like the Senate of the United States deserved, and had always received, recognition in the Liberator. Mr. Lib. 23:[83]. Garrison, therefore, took his place without scruple beside Charles Sumner, John G. Palfrey, Horace Mann, Henry Wilson, Anson Burlingame, Richard H. Dana, Jr., John Jay, and Joshua Leavitt. On Cassius Clay's offering the toast—The True Union: To Benton, to Bryant, to T. H. Benton. W. C. Bryant. W. H. Seward. H. Greeley. Seward, to Greeley, to Garrison, to Phillips, to Quincy— the union of all the opponents of the propaganda of slavery, there were loud calls for Garrison, who responded with peculiar felicity, paying just tributes to Hale and to Lib. 23.74. Clay, The first meeting of Garrison and C. M. Clay, whenever it took place, was not as early as 1844, as the latter records in his Autobiography (1: 99; see Lib. 16: 23). I said to him: Why, Garrison, I had expected to see a long-faced
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 14: the Nebraska Bill.—1854. (search)
ed number of slave States to the Union, and we will not return your runaways (or at least such is our intention)! In 1845, it ran: Admit another slave State, and the Union is ipso facto dissolved! The best of the Free Soil leaders Lib. 24.13, 33. in Congress were still denying all thought of interfering with slavery in the States; Giddings and Sumner were Lib. 24.105, 121, 149. dodging the plain inquiry whether they admitted any Constitutional obligation with respect to fugitive slaves. Seward, discounting the present triumph of slavery in the case of Kansas and Nebraska, and anticipating yet greater,—slavery not only luxuriating in all new Territories, but stealthily creeping into the free States themselves, Greeley's Struggle for Slavery Extension, p. 81. and the country no longer a land of freedom and constitutional liberty,—could still proclaim his acquiescence in the Compromise of 1850 (of which he had never spoken irreverently), and could declare: I have always heard, with e
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. (search)
Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. Both Seward and Lincoln overtake Garrison's declaration (as far back as 1840) of the irreconcilability of freedom and slavery. Conviction seizes upon many abolitionists that the conflict will end only in blood. Garrison deprecates the idea, and washes his hands of all responsibility for such a ter-mination. No attempt was made in 1858 to renew the Disunion Convention of the previous year. The financial prostration continued, and, furnisil Hall, Dec. 9, 1859, in case his fellow-citizens of Massachusetts embarked in a war of invasion [of the South] for the destruction of the Union and the Government of the Union (Lib. 29: 197). Davis took for his text the famous speech of Senator Seward at Rochester, N. Y., on October 25, 1858; in which Lib. 28.177. the latter foretold the supplanting of the Democratic Party in power by the Republican, and gave universal currency in a happy phrase to the old abolition view of Ante, 2.338.
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 19: John Brown.—1859. (search)
ion in Boston, where he was heard to say, at its conclusion— These men are all talk; what is needed is action—action! Lib. 30.6, 90; cf. 30.15, and Sanborn's Life of Brown, p. 421. The non-political abolitionists were generally passed over in the search for Brown's accomplices which immediately began after Harper's Ferry—through the Democratic press, and then through the Senatorial investigating Lib. 29.194, 207. committee directed by Senator Mason. The Republican leaders, especially Seward, for his irrepressible conflict, Lib. 29.177, 181, 185. were held responsible; and their organs were quick to repudiate the connection, and to shift the burden on to Lib. 29.169, 173, 177. the Garrisonians. For the moment, their fears told them that John Brown had ruined their chances of success at the next Presidential election. In this state of mind Henry Wilson came, on the first tidings of the outbreak, to confer with Mr. Garrison at his home in Dix Place, and departed with cheering <
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. (search)
Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. Seward retracts his irrepressible conflict for the sake o then, pay heed to similar talk now in view of Seward's probable nomination and election by the Repudged coming man of the Republican Party, William H. Seward, doubtless well content to have been abss, therefore, a white man's party. Such was Seward's bid for the Presidency, seduced by that whiceaking defensively for the Republican Party, Mr. Seward Lib. 30.38. says: I know of only one policyit now exists by the consent and approval of Mr. Seward and his party; not the abolition of the revo that part of the country, and while neither Mr. Seward, nor Mr. Sumner, nor any other of its promins a separate Lib. 30.43, [46]. measure; while Seward, equally with Douglas, dodged the Lib. 30.31,ay, Lib. 30.79. with a special reference to Mr. Seward, is, that they are such children, that they tate, so cowardly were the Republicans that, Mr. Seward chancing to be in Chicago, and having recove[2 more...]