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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xii. Texas and her Annexation. (search)
to 1844, as if it had been written in immediate support of the Tyler-Calhoun negotiation. Col. Benton, in his Thirty years view, directly charges that the letter was drawn from Gen. Jackson expressly to be used to defeat Mr. Van Buren's nomination, and secure, if possible, that of Mr. Calhoun instead; and it doubtless exerted a strong influence adverse to the former, although Gen. Jackson was among his most unflinching supporters to the last. Mr. John Quincy Adams had united with Mr. William Slade, Joshua R. Giddings, and ten other anti-Slavery Whig members of the XXVIIth Congress (March 3, 1843), in a stirring address to the people of the Free States, warning them against the Annexation intrigue, as by no means abandoned, but still energetically, though secretly, prosecuted. In that address, they recited such of the fore-going facts as were then known to them, saying: We, the undersigned, in closing our duties to our constituents and our country as members of the Twenty-Se
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), State of Vermont, (search)
807Paul Dlllingham1865 Isaac Tichenor1808John B. Page1867 Jonas Galusha1809Peter T. Washburn1869 Martin Chittenden1813G. W. Hendee1870 Jonas Galusha1815John W. Stewart1870 Richard Skinner1820Julius Converse1872 C. P. Van Ness1823Asahel Peck1874 Ezra Butler1826Horace Fairbanks1876 Samuel C. Crafts1828Redfield Proctor1878 William A. Palmer1831Roswell Farnham1880 S. H. Jenison1835John L. Barstow1882 Charles Paine1841Samuel E. Pingree1884 John Mattocks1843Ebenezer J. Ormsbee1886 William Slade1844William P. Dillingham1888 Horace Eaton1846Carroll S. Page1890 Carlos Coolidge1848Levi K. Fuller1892 Charles K. Williams1850Urban A. Woodbury1894 Erastus Fairbanks1852Josiah Grout1896 John S. Robinson1853Edward C. Smith1898 Stephen Royce1854William W. Stickney1900 United States Senators. NameNo. of Congress.Term. Stephen R. Bradley2d to 4th1791 to 1795 Moses Robinson2d to 4th1791 to 1796 Isaac Tichenor4th to 5th1796 to 1797 Elijah Paine4th to 7th1795 to 1801 Nathaniel C
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 1: the Boston mob (second stage).—1835. (search)
d time to read it. The anti-slavery debate in Congress Over the reception of petitions for the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia, beginning Dec. 18, 1835 (Lib. 5.206; 6.1, 2, 8, 19, 20, 24, 26, 28, 32). continued five days! Mr. Slade, of Vermont, William Slade, Representative from Vermont 1831-43. In 1844 he was made Governor of that State. spoke nobly. They did not dare to reject the petitions, but laid them on the table. The Southerners were very fierce. W. L. GWilliam Slade, Representative from Vermont 1831-43. In 1844 he was made Governor of that State. spoke nobly. They did not dare to reject the petitions, but laid them on the table. The Southerners were very fierce. W. L. Garrison to his Wife, at Brooklyn. Boston, December 30, 1835. Ms. To-day has been the day for the Ladies' Fair This was the second year of the anti-slavery bazaar, which became so important an auxiliary in providing the means for agitation.—but not so bright and fair out of doors as within doors. The Fair was held at the house of Mr. Chapman's father, in Chauncey Place, Henry Chapman, Senior. in two large rooms. Perhaps there were not quite so many things prepared as last year, but
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 2: Germs of contention among brethren.—1836. (search)
, and had a very agreeable visit. Miss S. is a most excellent lady,--so excellent that it is a pity (don't you think so?) she is not some good man's wife. She speaks of you affectionately, and will be glad to hail your return to the city. To the close of a green old age Miss Henrietta Sargent was one of the most generous and attached friends of Mr. Garrison's family. And so will many others. . . . We have just had a letter from bro. Phelps at New York, Amos A. Phelps. stating that Mr. Slade of Vermont had just sent on the agreeable information, that the bill for the admission of Arkansas as a slave State would not get through the House of Representatives, at Washington, short of three or four weeks, and that it will probably create another Missouri excitement. To-day we have had two hundred petitions printed on a letter-sheet, which will be scattered throughout the Commonwealth for signatures, remonstrating against the admission of that State with slavery into the Union. . .
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 3: the Clerical appeal.—1837. (search)
itutional right of slaves to petition; that it suffered the Speaker to rule out, under the gag, Lib. 7.28, 36. petitions protesting against the annexation of Texas because of the existence of slavery there; that both Houses hastened the recognition of Texan independence, Lib. 7.43. and that the Government despatched an army to the frontier as a menace to Mexico; that in December the Lib. 7.87. Southern members theatrically left the House of Lib. 7.211. Representatives in a body when William Slade, of Vermont, presenting a petition for the abolition of slavery in the District, moved (the gag-rule having again lapsed) its reference to the proper committee, with instructions to report a bill; that, after an excited caucus, a fresh gag Called Patton's, after the mover, a Virginian. It forbade even the reading of the petitions. It was summarily adopted by the previous question on Dec. 21, 1837. Lib. 8.15, 9.30. was hastily imposed for the new session; and that Calhoun introduced
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Index to volumes I. And II. (search)
ril 2, 1787; d. Philadelphia, Sept. 17, 1836], early friend to G., 1.203; vice-pres. Penn. Soc., 207; delegate Nat. A. S. Convention, 398, motion, 406, criticises Declaration, 406; tribute from G., 2.64.—Letter from G., 2.64. Short, Moses, cabinet-maker, 1.34; recaptures his runaway apprentice, 35. Sidney, Algernon, favorite author of G., 1.187. Silliman, Benjamin [1779-1864], 1.301. Simmons, Charles, Rev. [d. N. Wrentham, Mass., 1856, aged 58], 2.425. Sisson, Susan, 2.227. Slade, William [1786-1859], anti-slavery course in Congress, 2.68, 106, 197. Slave insurrections, Va., 1.230, 231, 249, 251; Miss., 485, 501. Slavery in U. S., described by Wesley, 1.39; inequitable representation in Congress, 139-140. Slave's Friend, Am. A. S. S. publication, 1.483; burnt at Charleston, 485. Slave trade, foreign, at South, contraband, 1.163; domestic, 164. Smeal, William [d. Glasgow, Aug. 15, 1877, aged 84], attentions to G., 2.398, 402. Smith, Gerrit [b. Utica,
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
y, at the North as at the South, after the invasion of Texas by Mexico in March. When, Lib. 12.51, 53, 59. on April 13, a Representative from New York moved in Congress to suppress the Mexican mission, as being an instrumentality of annexation, Slade of Vermont Wm. Slade. seconded him, declaring that he would not give a snap of his Lib. 12.66. finger for the Union after the annexation of Texas. To Botts of Virginia, offering a preposterous pledge on the John M. Botts. part of the South, nWm. Slade. seconded him, declaring that he would not give a snap of his Lib. 12.66. finger for the Union after the annexation of Texas. To Botts of Virginia, offering a preposterous pledge on the John M. Botts. part of the South, not to annex Texas if the abolitionists would disband, Mr. Garrison replied: The annexation of Lib. 12.67. Texas will be the termination of the American Union, and therefore the South will have more to lose than to gain by it. Dr. Channing, in a sequel to his pamphlet on the Lib. 12.95. Duty of the Free States, was ready to make slavery extension (though not slavery itself) a ground of disunion: Better that we should part than be the police of the slaveholder, than fight his battles, tha
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 3: the covenant with death.—1843. (search)
4.38. termed them a proposition to dissolve the Union, and Lib. 14.21, 27. so did the General Assembly of Virginia in a counter memorial, which was promptly printed by the Senate. Lib. 14.42. John Quincy Adams, in conjunction with Giddings, Slade, Gates, Borden, and Hiland Hall, had, earlier in the year, issued an address to the people of the free States, Lib. 13.78. warning them that an attempt would be made at the next session of Congress to annex Texas. The real design and object of its departments, would be identical with dissolution—as being in violation of the national compact. We not only assert that the people of the free States ought not to submit to it, but we say, with confidence, they would not submit to it. William Slade, elected Governor of Vermont in 1844, discussed annexation at great length in his message to the Legislature, saying: Upon the consummation of the threatened measure, I do not hesitate to say that it would be the duty of Vermont to declare he
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!—1844. (search)
ib. 14.81; cf. 17.14. precious paper, the Boston Morning Chronicle (a short-lived adjunct of the Emancipator), refused to pledge himself or the Liberty Party to any such course. As a politician who preferred the election of a Democratic President on an annexation platform to that of a Whig, Lib. 14.142. he argued that annexation would do nothing to perpetuate slavery. Whatever may be thought of this editor's perspicacity, his position was, morally, quite as defensible as that of Giddings, Slade, and the Adamses, or of Ante, pp. 93, 61. Channing, or again of the latter's Unitarian confrere, the Rev. Orville Dewey. This divine was at great pains to draw what Mr. Garrison termed a profligate distinction between Lib. 14.162. recognizing slavery as it already existed, and legalizing it anew by extension of the slave territory. Compare, in another denomination, this extract from a Phi Beta Kappa Address at Wesleyan College in 1850, by the Rev. D. D. Whedon: Nor may you marvel, frie
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 5: Texas.—1845. (search)
in Faneuil Hall, toasting, in famous words, Our country . . . however bounded; . . . to be cherished in all our hearts, to be defended by all our hands Lib. 15.118.—an abasement which accepted war with Mexico, along with that spread of slave territory which he had hitherto strenuously opposed. In the same hall of heroic memories the Whig State Convention in October withdrew from the opposition, and left Lib. 15.162. the Constitutional question to the Supreme Court of the United States! Governor Slade of Vermont could no longer urge his State to take, unsupported, an unrelenting attitude, and sought comfort in the illusion that Lib. 15.170. the entrance of Texas into the Union would make slavery a national institution as never before, and expose it to attack as such. Webster, accusing the Liberty Party Lib. 15.182. (by its defeat of Clay) of having procured annexation, hoped, or professed to hope, the consummation might yet be averted; as Charles Francis Adams, seeing Lib. 15.185;
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