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opes, to furl the sails, to go aloft, to climb the mast; and it was thought, by offering this bounty, a nursery might be formed in which young men would become perfected in these arts, and it applied to one section of the country as well as to any other. The result of this was, that in the war of 1812 our sailors, many of whom came from this nursery, were equal to any that England brought against us. At any rate, no small part of the glories of that war were gained by the veteran tars of America, and the object of these bounties was to foster that branch of the national defence. My opinion is, that whatever may have been the reason at first, this bounty ought to be discontinued — the reason for it at first no longer exists. A bill for this object did pass the Senate the last Congress I was in, to which my honorable friend contributed greatly, but it was not reached in the House of Representatives. I trust that he will yet see that he may with honor continue his connection with t
Doc. 152.-an English view of the civil war in America. The effect of the civil war in America upon European commerce is certainly one of the most important questions which ever engaged public attention. The commercial relations between this country and America are so multifarious, that any disturbance of them must necessarily cause infinite perplexity and great pecuniary loss; but those pas always been considered a matter of discretion. It may be said that where, as in the case of America, half a continent has risen in arms against the other half, and has inaugurated an independent ve been different; but as that Declaration only bound those Governments which signed it, and as America declined to do so, the law of Neutrals during war remains precisely as it was before the year 1 the limitation of the right, has been recognized in its fullest extent by courts of justice in America. And although that right does not entitle a belligerent to search for his subjects or seamen,
s the conservator of liberty in Europe — the old world; we in the new. If the Confederate States are right, then is England wrong. If slavery must be extended in America, then must England restore it in the West Indies, blot out the most glorious page of her history, and call back her freedmen into chains! Let her say to the martbecomes the questioner, and asks us where our honor would place us in this contest. Clearly by the side of the Union, because, he says, if slavery be extended in America, it must be restored in the West Indies. If any one doubts the force of this demonstration we are sorry for it, for Mr. Clay has no other to offer. Our examinernt to a hundred millions of people, and will have railways four thousand miles long. But is Mr. Clay quite sure that, if we should offend them now, the people of America will bear malice for half a century; and, if they do, is he quite certain that his hundred millions must all be members of one Confederacy, and that we may not th
tal, with the great profits in our own country, besides a medium of exchange between Europe and America to the annual value of near 200,000,000 of dollars, besides giving employment to more tonnage aar with the greatest power on earth. And, next to the failure of the grain crops of Europe and America, she would suffer most from a failure of our cotton crop. This race, so distinctly marked byn race, may be found the true reason why this black man is a slave in Africa, Asia, Europe, and America — the reason why he has ever been a slave, and the reason why he will ever remain a slave, so ls. Here another Africa, with all its loathsome depravity, would be established in the heart of America. The confinement of African slavery to its present limits must either produce this result, or h shall endure so long,) a few succeeding generations of his posterity will find the African on America the same naked, wild barbarian that his forefathers were when landed on the shores of Massachus