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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2, Chapter 24: Slavery and the law of nations.—1842.—Age, 31. (search)
on to them. Sumner's great interest in the Creole question is noted by Mr. Ticknor, who names hi I agree with you entirely with regard to the Creole affair,—except, perhaps, that I go further thaew papers. I long to see your letter on the Creole, and wish I could send you a copy of one I wro have been so ably presented. The case of the Creole seems too clear for argument. What could haves him. This was the case with the owner of the Creole; and Mr. Giddings, in asserting the freedom ofnning has put forth a glorious pamphlet on the Creole, in reply to Webster's sophistical despatch. you for the most interesting pamphlet on the Creole question. I admired it extremely, and have seng within him, he never could have written his Creole letter. Without Webster's massive argumentatissions have been made by Lord Ashburton on the Creole matter which, however agreeable to the South, n the sunshine of peace! The letter about the Creole has not yet been published. Lord Ashburton's [2 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2, Chapter 25: service for Crawford.—The Somers Mutiny.—The nation's duty as to slavery.—1843.—Age, 32. (search)
ation and all its parts are responsible, and which to a large extent the nation may remove. Nine cases were then stated and enforced, in which the nation had a direct responsibility for Slavery: 1. In the District of Columbia. 2. In the Territories, Florida being a Slave Territory at the time. 3. Continuance of the slave-trade between the States. 4. Admission of new States. 5. Rendition of fugitive slaves. 6. Transportation of slaves from one slaveholding port to another, as in the Creole case. 7. Laws of Slave States affecting the liberty of free colored persons, citizens of, and coming from, Northern States. 8. Capture by Federal troops of negroes held by the Seminole Indians, who were in arms against the United States. 9. Power to amend the Constitution in all points affecting Slavery. He continued:— It cannot be doubted, then, that the Constitution may be amended so that it shall cease to render any sanction to Slavery. The power to amend carries with it the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2, chapter 30 (search)
action. I was a Whig because I thought this party represented the moral sentiments of the country,—that it was the party of Humanity. Speech, June 28, 1848. His letters to friends and his published communications on the Right of Search and the Creole case show that, among the political questions of the day, those relating to Slavery were then uppermost in his thoughts. There were some points aside from their distinctive measures in which the Whigs came nearer to his views than their opponeyears later, when the slavery question drew a sharp line of division between them. Even at this period, however, when in such general accord with him, Sumner stated with emphasis Mr. Webster's limitations, protesting against the doctrines of his Creole letter, and lamenting that he lacked the moral elevation and nobler spirit of Channing. But, among public men, John Quincy Adams most enlisted his enthusiasm. Disapproving the ex-President's disregard at times of parliamentary restrictions,