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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

Your search returned 7 results in 4 document sections:

Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Shall Cromwell have a statue? (search)
er of Parliament, speaking at the same time in equally good faith, declared that throughout the length and breadth of Great Britain, public sentiment was almost unanimously on the side of the southerners, as ours was on the side of the Boers, becaus I make is that they were, when made, the expression of views honestly and sincerely entertained. We sympathize with Great Britain's rebels; Great Britain sympathized with our rebels. Our rebels in 1862, as theirs in 1900, thoroughly believed theyGreat Britain sympathized with our rebels. Our rebels in 1862, as theirs in 1900, thoroughly believed they were resisting an iniquitous attempt to deprive them of their rights, and to establish over them a grinding, a galling, and an irritating tyrannical government. We in 1861, as Great Britain in 1898, and Charles the Martyr and Philip of Spain some Great Britain in 1898, and Charles the Martyr and Philip of Spain some centuries earlier, were fully convinced that we were engaged in God's work while we trod under foot the rebel and the traitor. Presently, as distance lends a more correct perspective, and things are viewed in their true proportions, we will get per
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.30 (search)
perior tactics of the Southern general, which has enabled him to man his troops as to do what the Northern general intended—overwhelm the enemy. It was not a pleasant thing for philosophic minds to see that the defeat of the Northern army was received rather with satisfaction than regret by the people on the streets here. The North has bragged so much and so loudly, has been so insolent in its tone, not only towards the South, but towards Britain; it has bragged so much about thrashing Great Britain, and crumpling up poor little cowards, that sympathy has been alienated from the braggart and bully. The South has been hemmed in by the great masses of troops, a portion of her territory wrested from her—her ports blockaded—her every effort jeered at—her prospects of successful fighting for her own territory turned into ridicule, until no one could help feeling some desire to see the braggart worsted, and the much-abused South, driven to bay, achieve a success. I take the followi
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.38 (search)
te contribution to our National history. It cannot be controverted that the condition of the negro as a slave in the Southern States was infinitely for his betterment, mentally, spiritually and physically, and a consequence was the provision of educated teachers toward the ameliorment of the race in Africa. It is in historical evidence, abundantly, that the institution of slavery was pressed upon the South, despite constant and continued protest, because it was at first profitable to Great Britain, and subsequently to our brethren of the North. These last further, when the hapless creatures enslaved by them could not longer be profitably employed by them—were transferred to the South to the great profit of their late masters. New England did not confine her system to the enslavement of one race, but held in thraldom also the proud red man, the native lord of our soil.—Ed.] Those who are familiar with the history of the Wanderer, the vessel which, in 1859, landed the last ca
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.39 (search)
itution which created and defined its powers, and to erect within their own borders a structure adapted to their needs, consistent with their political views, and preservation of their domestic rights and institutions. Thus, one by one, with deliberation and dignity, the States of that vanished country decided. They proclaimed their decrees of separation in solemn form, declared their pacific purposes, justified their action in almost the very language which the colonies addressed to Great Britain in 1776; and then assembled at Montgomery to launch a new ship of state upon the sea of experiment. The answer (for the episode of Fort Sumter has no significance in determining the question of overt aggression), was the calm of a right and the announcement of a purpose to coerce by force of arms the submission of the seceding States to the bonds of union and the authority of the government at Washington. So the issue was joined! And so there came a time in that far-off country (o