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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

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The American revolution. Epoch Second How Great Britain estranged America. 1763-1774. How Great Britain estranged America. Chapter 1: The continent of Europe The successes of the Seven Years War were the chap. I.} 1763 triumphs of Protestantism. For the first time since the breach made in the church by Luther, Great Britain estranged America. Chapter 1: The continent of Europe The successes of the Seven Years War were the chap. I.} 1763 triumphs of Protestantism. For the first time since the breach made in the church by Luther, the great Catholic powers, attracted by a secret consciousness of the decay of old institutions, banded themselves together to arrest the progress of change. In vain did the descendants of the feudal aristocracies lead to the field superior numbers; in vain did the Pope bless their banners as though uplifted against unbelievers; nopular favor which they once enjoyed, inclined more and more towards monarchical interests. The Patriots saw in their weakness at sea a state of dependence on Great Britain; they cherished a deep sense of the wrongs unatoned for and unavenged, which England, in the pride of strength, and unmindful of treaties, had in the last war
ty supplied to him sufficiently by the spinners at the wheel of his own family and among his neighbors. Men had not as yet learned by machinery to produce, continuously and uniformly, from the down of cotton, the porous cords of parallel filaments; to attenuate them by gently drawing them chap. III.} 1763. out; to twist and extend the threads as they are formed; and to wind them regularly on pins of wood as fast as they are spun. At that time the inconsiderable cotton manufactures of Great Britain, transported from place to place on pack-horses, did not form one two-hundredth part of the present production, and were politically of no importance. Not yet had art done more than begin the construction of channels for still-water navigation. Not yet had Wedgwood fully succeeded in changing, annually, tens of thousands of tons of clay and flint into brilliantly glazed and durable ware, capable of sustaining heat, cheap in price, and beautiful and convenient in form. Not yet had the
influence of each of the great component parts of English society may be observed in the British dominions outside of Great Britain. From the wrecks of the empire of the Great Mogul, a monopolizing company of English merchants had gained dominiongate its sorrows and relax its bonds. Relief was to come through the conflicts of the North American colonies with Great Britain. Ireland and America, in so far as both were oppressed by the commercial monopoly of England, had a common cause; an98. in 1719 the Irish House of Lords chap. IV.} 1763. denied for Ireland the judicial power of the House of Lords of Great Britain, the British parliament, making a precedent for all its outlying dominions, enacted, that the king, with the consent ion with prompt resistance. We shall find the first voice publicly raised in America to dissolve all connection with Great Britain came, not from the Puritans of New-England, or the Dutch of New-York, or the planters of Virginia, but from Scotch-Ir
port to the highest system of authority of Great Britain over America. Being at the head of the Tr had asserted that an act of parliament in Great Britain could alone prescribe rules for the reducttish empire tributary to the prosperity of Great Britain, and making the plenary authority of the Bepresentative of the landed aristocracy of Great Britain, absent from England at the moment, but, tpendence, and to, sustain the authority of Great Britain. The charters were obstacles, and, in theoops are to be paid the first year only by Great Britain, and that every article of expense afterwas cost the establishment of the customs in Great Britain between seven and eight thousand pounds a adapted to these great purposes as that of Great Britain. Every British subject in America is, of ard to the colonies; the true interests of Great Britain and her plantations are mutual; and what Go the increase of the trade and revenue of Great Britain. Knox Semi-official Papers, II. 32. He
a special reference to America. It was not the wish of this man or that man; Speech of Cornwall, brother-in-law of Charles Jenkinson, in the House of Commons, in Cavendish Debates, i. 91. each house of parliament, and nearly every body in Great Britain, was eager to throw a part of the public burdens on the increasing opulence of the New World. The new ministry, at the outset, was weakened by its own indiscreet violence. In the speech at the close of the session, the king vauntingly arrrevenue, was his second great object. This he combined with the purpose M. Frances au Due de Choiseul à Londres le 2 Septembre, 1768. of so dividing the public burdens between England and America as to diminish the motive to emigrate from Great Britain and Ireland; Second protest of the House of Lords, on the repeal of the stamp act. for, in those days, emigration Knox, i. 23, Extra-official Papers, II. 23. was considered an evil. In less than a month after Bute's retirement, Egremon
ed at the head of the Board of Trade. One and the same spirit was at work on each side of the Atlantic. From Boston Bernard urged anew the establishment of a sufficient and independent civil list—out of which enlarged salaries were to be paid to the crown officers. And while he acknowledged that the compact between the king and the people was in no colony better observed than in that of the Massachusetts Bay, that its people in general were well satisfied with their subordination to Great Britain, that their former prejudices which made them otherwise disposed, were wholly or almost wholly worn off, he nevertheless railed at the unfortunate error in framing the government, to leave the council to be elected annually. He advised either a council resembling as near as possible the House of Lords; its members to be appointed for life, with some title, as Baronet or Baron, composed of people of conse- chap. VIII.} 1763. Sept. quence, willing to look up to the king for honor and au
s that the greatest wealth and maritime power of Great Britain depend on the use of its colonies, and who will commerce and part of it from the manufactures of Great Britain, against the fundamental principles of colonizatedecessors had done: he read the Statute Book of Great Britain; and the integrity of his mind revolted at this e nearly twice over all the commercial marine of Great Britain at the moment of Grenville's schemes. Between io all that was imported into the whole island of Great Britain in 1763. Nor does a narrow restrictive policy s69. as the exigencies of the state required that Great Britain should disappoint American establishments of manncil, 7 March. Order in Council, 9 March, 1764. Great Britain had sought to com- chap. IX.} 1764. April. pet hundred and fifty thousand pounds. The taxes of Great Britain exceeded, by three millions of pounds, what theyting themselves, and in aid of the great expense Great Britain put herself to on their account. No tax appears
set forth its acknowledged dependence upon Great Britain, and the ready submission of its merchantso pleasant habitations; little villages in Great Britain into manufacturing towns and opulent citieof the same Creator with their brethren of Great Britain. The colonists are men; the colonists aiastic and less variable. Connection with Great Britain was to him no blessing, if Great Britain wprivileges; but the dominion and wealth of Great Britain have received amazing addition. Surely thshing their treasure to secure the west to Great Britain. In July, the little army of eleven hundrand the Attorney and Solicitor-Generals of Great Britain gave their opinion, that the duties payabld foreigners to the laws and government of Great Britain, was taken from a jail, and was entirely uiety and boldness to inform the Commons of Great Britain, who, to their infinite honor, in all agesmmon bond of liberty with the free sons of Great Britain. For, with submission, since all impositi[6 more...]
more delicacy in America than it has ever been even in Great Britain itself? One method, indeed, has been hinted at, and than their orators. The right of the legislature of Great Britain to impose taxes on her colonies, and not only the expedey cannot be injured without danger to the liberties of Great Britain. R. Jackson's Letter of 7 June, 1765, in Connecticut parliament as the great majority of the inhabitants of Great Britain. Isaac Barre, the companion and friend of Wolfe, shaheir charters could not convey the legislative power of Great Britain, because the prerogative could not grant that power. Tyal promise, equal rights with their fellow-subjects in Great Britain; and insisted that the colony had faithfully kept theirved the royal assent by a commission. The sovereign of Great Britain, whose soul was wholly bent on exalting the prerogativein advance, on the good effects he would see derived to Great Britain and to the colonies from his firmness and candor in con
XII.} 1765 May. sprits, nor coffee, nor pimento, nor cocoa-nuts, nor whale-fins, nor raw silk, nor hides, nor skins, nor pot and pearl ashes, to any place but Great Britain, not even to Ireland. Nor might any foreign ship enter a colonial harbor. Salt might be imported from any place into New England, New York, Pennsylvania, and, but were to pay a duty in American ports for the British exchequer; and victuals, horses, and servants might be brought from Ireland. In all other respects, Great Britain was not only the sole market for the products of America, but the only storehouse for its supplies. Lest the colonists should multiply their flocks of sheep, merica; also a duty on Portugal and Spanish wines, on Eastern silks, on Eastern calicoes, on foreign linen cloth, on French lawn, though imported directly from Great Britain; on British colonial coffee shipped from one plantation to another. Nor was henceforward any chap. XII.} 1765. May. part of the old subsidy to be drawn bac
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