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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition.. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

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Preface. the period of the American Revolution of which a portion is here treated, divides itself into two epochs; the first extending to the Declaration of Independence; the second, to the acknowledgment of that Independence by Great Britain, In preparing the volume, there has been no parsimony of labor; but marginal references to the documents out of which it has mainly been constructed are omitted. This is done not from an unwillingness to subject every statement of fact, even in its minutest details, to the severest scrutiny; but from the variety and multitude of the papers which have been used, and which could not be intelligibly cited, without burdening the pages with a disproportionate commentary. From the very voluminous manuscripts which I have brought together, I hope at some not very distant day to cull out for publication such letters as may at once confirm my narrative and possess an intrinsic and general interest by illustrating the character and sentiments of
relenting; his will never wavered. Though America were to be drenched in blood and its towns reduced to ashes, though its people were to be driven to struggle Chap. I.} 1774. May. for total independence, though he himself should findit necessary to bid high for hosts of mercenaries from the Scheldt to Moscow, and in quest of savage allies, go tapping at every wigwam from Lake Huron to the Gulf of Mexico, he was resolved to coerce the thirteen colonies into submission. The people of Great Britain identified themselves, though but for the moment, with his anger, and talked like so many kings of their subjects beyond the Atlantic. Of their ability to crush resistance they refused to doubt; nor did they, nor the ministers, nor George the Third, apprehend interference, except from that great neighboring kingdom whose vast colonial system Britain had just overthrown. All Europe, though at peace, was languishing under exhaustion from wars of ambition, or vices of government, and cr
consultation with the men of Annapolis, to whom the coolness of the Philadelphians seemed like insulting pity, and who promptly resolved to stop all trade with Great Britain, the inhabitants of the city and county of Baltimore advocated suspending commerce with Great Britain and the West Indies, chose deputies to a colonial conventGreat Britain and the West Indies, chose deputies to a colonial convention, recommended a continental congress, appointed a numerous committee of correspondence, and sent cheering words to their friends at Boston, as sufferers in the common cause. The Supreme Disposer of all events, said they, will terminate this severe trial of your patience in a happy confirmation of American freedom. For this spife, loved to reside in hospitable elegance on their large and productive estates. Its annual exports to the northern provinces were of small account, while to Great Britain they exceeded two millions of dollars in value. Enriched by this commerce, its people cherished a warm affection for the mother country, and delighted in send
he mother country, and neither to purchase nor consume any merchandise from Great Britain after the last day of the ensuing August. The names of those who should reuld to God they all, even our enemies, knew the warm attachment we have for Great Britain, notwithstanding we have been contending these ten years with them for our ended to discontinue the use of all goods imported from the East Indies and Great Britain, until the public grievances of America should be radically and totally red general congress. That summer he followed the circuit for the last time. Great Britain, thus Sewall, his friend and associate at the bar, expostulated with him, aled together on the hill that overhangs Casco Bay, with its thousand isles, Great Britain is determined on her system; and her power is irresistible. That very determination of Great Britain in her system, determines mine, answered Adams; swim or sink, live or die, survive or perish with my country, is my unalterable determinat
ce; that the society of Friends would arrest every step towards war; that New York had not named, and would never name, deputies to congress; that the power of Great Britain could not fail to crush resistance. The exasperation of the selfish at their losses, which they attributed to the committee of correspondence, the innate reveonsent of the council, issued the proclamation, from which British influence never recovered. He called the combination not to purchase articles imported from Great Britain unwarrantable, hostile, and traitorous; its subscribers open and declared enemies of the king and parliament of Great Britain; and he enjoined and commanded ale arrival of Hutchinson in England lulled the king into momentary security. Tryon from New York had said, that the ministers must put forth the whole power of Great Britain, if they would bring America to their feet; Carleton, the governor of Canada, thought it not safe to undertake a march from the Saint Lawrence to New York with
had been instructed that even in time of peace he could of himself order the troops to fire upon the people. By one of the two additional acts, he was authorized to quarter his army in towns; by the other, to transfer to another colony or to Great Britain any persons informed against or indicted for crimes committed in supporting the revenue laws or suppressing riots. The regulating act complicated the question between America and Great Britain. The country, under the advice of PennsylvaniGreat Britain. The country, under the advice of Pennsylvania, might have indemnified the East India company; might have obtained by importunity the repeal of the tax on tea; or might have borne the duty as it had borne that on wine; but parliament, after ten years of premeditation, had exercised the power to abrogate the laws, and to change the charter of a province without its consent; and on this arose the conflict of the American revolution. The act went into effect on the moment of its being received; and of necessity precipitated the choice betwe
ds to the rights of the people. For purposes of provincial government they advised a provincial congress, while they promised respect and submission to the continental congress. In reference to the present hostile appearances on the part of Great Britain, they expressed their determination to act upon the defensive so long as such conduct might be vindicated by reason and the principles of self-preservation, but no longer. Should Gage arrest any one for political reasons, they promised to sef God, of nature, and of nations oblige us to cast about for safety. If the four New Chap. X.} 1774. Sept. England governments alone adopt the measure, said Hawley of Hampshire, I will venture my life to carry it against the whole force of Great Britain. In the congress of Worcester county, a motion was made at once to reassume the old charter and elect a governor. Warren, careful lest the province should be thought to aim at greater advantages than the other colonies might be willing to c
of sending envoys to dangle at the heels of a minister, and undergo the scorn of parliament. Yet there was great diversity of opinions respecting the proper modes of resisting the aggressions of the mother country, and conciliation was the ardent wish of all. The South Carolinians greeted the delegates of Massachusetts as the envoys of freedom herself; and the Virginians equalled or surpassed their colleagues in resoluteness and spirit; but all united in desiring to promote the union of Great Britain and the colonies on a constitutional foundation. On Monday the fifth day of September, the mem- Chap. XI.} 1774. Sept. bers of congress, meeting at Smith's tavern, moved in a body to select the place for their deliberations. Galloway, the speaker of Pennsylvania, would have had them use the State House, but the carpenters of Philadelphia offered their plain but spacious hall; and from respect for the mechanics, it was accepted by a great majority. The names of the members were then
e first place, it was silently agreed to rest the demands of America not on considerations of natural rights, but on a historical basis. In this manner, even the appearance of a revolution was avoided; and ideal freedom was claimed only as embodied in facts. How far the retrospect for grievances should be Chap. XII.} 1774. Sept. carried, was the next inquiry. South Carolina would have included all laws restrictive of manufactures and navigation; in a word, all the statutes of which Great Britain had been so prodigal towards her infant colonies, for the purpose of confining their trade, and crippling their domestic industry. But the Virginians, conforming to their instructions, narrowed the issue to the innovations during the reign of George the Third; and as Maryland and North Carolina would not separate from Virginia, the acts of navigation, though condemned by Lee as a capital violation of American rights, were not included in the list of grievances. The Virginians had nev
essentially necessary, in order to restore harmony between the colonies and Great Britain. The congress had unanimously resolved, from the first day of the coming December, not to import any merchandise from Great Britain and Ireland. If the redress of American grievances should be delayed beyond the tenth day of September of the following year, a resolution to export no merchandise to Great Britain, Ireland and the West Indies after that date was carried, but against the voice of Southgates of that colony refused their names. The agreement to stop exports to Great Britain is unequal, reasoned Rutledge; New England ships little or nothing there, b provinces from Nova Scotia to Florida, the people of Canada, the people of Great Britain; making the printing press its great ambassador to the rising power. Of nt of any new right. Your royal authority over us, and our connection with Great Britain, we shall always support and maintain; and they besought of the king as the
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