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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 974 0 Browse Search
John Dimitry , A. M., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.1, Louisiana (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 442 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 288 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 246 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 216 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 192 0 Browse Search
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2 166 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 146 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 144 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 136 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) or search for Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) in all documents.

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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 3: the covenant with death.—1843. (search)
emblance of the people's approbation, to imbrue their hands in blood for wicked conquest and the perpetuation and propagation of slavery, then I say to you my constituents, as I said to the young men of Boston: Burnish your armor—prepare for conflict—and, in the language of Galgacus to the ancient Britons, think of your forefathers—think of your posterity! （Lib. 14: 182.) Compare the position taken by Josiah Quincy in the House of Representatives, speaking to the bill for the admission of Louisiana, Jan. 14, 1811: I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion that, if this bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually dissolved; that the States which compose it are free from their moral obligations, and that, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a separation—amicably if they can, violently if they must ( Life of Josiah Quincy, p. 206). So Judge Jay, about to sail for Europe, wrote to Gerrit Smith: Rather than be in
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!—1844. (search)
it. I don't know that anything is left for her but reprisals. Mr. Hoar himself, in a letter on the Latimer case in 1842 (ante, p. 66), referred to the law of Louisiana ordering the arrest of any colored man entering the State from another State, and asked, why, then, might not every free State imprison every incoming native of a slaveholding State (Lib. 12: 177). He reached Charleston on Nov. 28, 1844; his colleague, Henry Hubbard of Pittsfield, Mass., delegated to Louisiana, arrived in New Orleans Dec. 1, and was likewise expelled, but less fiercely (Smith's History of Pittsfield, p. 405; and Lib. 15: 2, 9, 14, 17, 25). See the law enacted by the South ide for the punishment of persons disturbing the peace of this State, in relation to slaves and free persons of color (Lib. 15: 14; 18: 65), and a similar one by Louisiana (Lib. 15: 17, 25). But slavery has n't left her pluck enough for that, I fancy—the melancholy truth. Other Massachusetts citizens were equally in need and equ
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 5: Texas.—1845. (search)
York Anti-Slavery Society, in Feb. 5-7, 1845; Lib. 15.33. February; by a vast majority of the Eastern Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society at Kennett, in August. In Ohio, the Aug. 11-13; Lib. 15.135, 142. Anti-Slavery Bugle was founded as the disunion organ of the Ohio American Anti-Slavery Society. Lib. 15.109. The levers of disunion ready to the hands of the Massachusetts abolitionists were the recent expulsions of the Ante, pp. 130, 131. State's delegates from South Carolina and Louisiana, and the impending annexation of Texas. At the annual meeting just referred to, Wendell Phillips reported Lib. 15.19. resolves that the Governor should demand of the Federal Executive an enforcement of the Constitution, and the maintenance of Mr. Hoar's right to reside in Charleston; in default of which the Legislature should authorize the Governor to proclaim the Union at an end, recall the Congressional delegation, and provide for the State's foreign relations. This was the logic of t
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
he standpoint of an abolitionist or of a universal reformer. But now his rally was of anti-Sabbatarians who needed no converting, but should unite their voices in protest. Hence the Address (germinated a dozen years before) Ante, 2.111, 112. To the Friends of Civil and Religious Liberty. the right of every man to worship God according to the Lib. 18.11. dictates of his own conscience is inherent, inalienable, selfevident. Yet it is notorious that, in all the States, excepting Louisiana, Originally a Catholic settlement, where the Civil Law obtained. there are laws enforcing the religious observance of the first day of the week as the Sabbath, and punishing as criminals such as attempt to pursue their usual avocations on that day,—avocations which even Sabbatarians recognize as innocent and laudable on all other days. It is true, some exceptions are made to the rigorous operation of these laws, in favor of the Seventh-Day Baptists, Jews, and others who keep the sevent
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
to them, nor to the Baptists, nor the Methodists; for they, too, are against the slave, and all the sects are combined to prevent that jubilee which it is the will of God should come. . . . Be not startled when I say that a belief in Jesus is no evidence of goodness (hisses); no, friends. Voice—Yes it is. Mr. Garrison—Our friend says yes; my position is no. It is worthless as a test, for the reason I have already assigned in reference to the other tests. His praises are sung in Louisiana, Alabama, and the other Southern States just as well as in Massachusetts. Captain Rynders—Are you aware that the slaves in the South have their prayer-meetings in honor of Christ? Mr. Garrison—Not a slaveholding or a slave-breeding Jesus. (Sensation.) The slaves believe in a Jesus that strikes off chains. In this country, Jesus has become obsolete. A profession in him is no longer a test. Who objects to his course in Judaea? The old Pharisees are extinct, and may safely be deno
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 12: Kossuth.—1852. (search)
or— to propitiate the South—it must be clearly shown that the Union and Slavery are perfectly compatible together; or—to satisfy the troubled conscience of the North—it must be just as plainly shown that the Union is antagonistical to Slavery. The former has been demonstrated ever since the Union was formed, by the multiplication of five hundred thousand slaves into three millions three hundred thousand—the addition of nine new slave States to the original six—the purchase and conquest of Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and other Mexican territory, for slaveholding purposes—and by the glaring fact that, for the last sixty years (in the language of John Quincy ADAMS From a powerful passage on the pro-slavery compromises of the Constitution, kept standing at the head of the Liberator.), the preservation, Propagation, and perpetuation of slavery has been the vital and animating principle of the National Government. The latter, therefore, admits of no proof whatever; and hence the
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
t the very day on which the unhallowed attempt shall be made by the authorities of the Federal Government, we will consider ourselves as driven from the Union (Niles' Register, 30: 171). These words are proof that compensated emancipation had no chance except as a spontaneous Southern movement. The national political power which the Constitution bestowed upon the ruling caste at the South, effectually precluded the thought of such a movement. Clay's scheme in Kentucky, like McDonogh's in Louisiana, consisted in making the slave pay his full market value for freedom, and then betake himself to Africa. will be an excellent preparation for Elihu Burritt. ours. 10. After talking about Cleveland, a retreat to Syracuse will be inevitably regarded, and with some justice, as a confession of weakness. 11. The Convention will attract far more national attention on the comparatively new ground of Cleveland than on the hackneyed ground of Syracuse. 12. Even as to the local sympathy, I
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. (search)
nually coming into closer contact] means? They who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the rye-fields and wheat-fields of Massachusetts and New York must again be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and to the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more markets for trade in the bodies and souls of men. It is the failure to apprehend this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at final compromise between t