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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 974 0 Browse Search
John Dimitry , A. M., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.1, Louisiana (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 442 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 288 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 246 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 216 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 192 0 Browse Search
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2 166 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 146 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 144 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 136 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) or search for Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 47 results in 7 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
open and secret measures. On December 15 appeared the address of Jefferson Davis, Benjamin, Slidell, Wigfall, and other leaders of secession in Congress, invoking the Southern people to organize a Southern confederacy; avowing that the primary object of each slaveholding State ought to be its speedy and absolute separation from a union with the hostile States. South Carolina took the lead, and seceded five days later, followed the next month by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana. Texas completed her secession February 1. The disunion sentiment was advancing in Arkansas, North Carolina, Virginia, and Tennessee,—States which, however, postponed the final act till after President Lincoln's call for troops. There were threatening signs also in Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland. Delaware alone among slave States seemed securely held to the Union. The disunion sentiment was not confined to the slaveholding States. The identification of the Democratic party with the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ommissioners, and like them much. They are excellent and admirable, and enter upon the work generously and nobly. They have invited Howe to meet them in New York at once, in order to plan their work. They propose to visit South Carolina and Louisiana, and perhaps also the West Indies. I doubt not that their report will be a contribution to civilization. One of Sumner's greatest public services—and it was an inestimable service—was his constant effort during the Civil War to hold back taving to a friend: Wendell Phillips knows me; he knows me, and he ought not to speak of me as he does. Phillips's first overture was in a letter to Sumner in March, 1865, in which he warmly commended the latter's resistance to the admission of Louisiana with a constitution which disfranchised colored people. Henceforward nothing marred their friendship. Sumner's action on another military appointment the year before also deserves mention,—that of Brigadier-General Isaac I. Stevens, a leade<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
all kinds should be trampled under foot, it is now. He wrote to Lieber, May 4:— I think that Banks's military character has suffered very much, hardly more than he has suffered as a statesman by his proceedings for reconstruction. In Louisiana, under Mr. Lincoln's direction. The sentiment in Louisiana among the earnest antislavery men is very strong for Butler. The President some time ago sent for me to show me private letters from Banks on reconstruction; but I have not exchanged aLouisiana among the earnest antislavery men is very strong for Butler. The President some time ago sent for me to show me private letters from Banks on reconstruction; but I have not exchanged a word with him on Banks's military character, and considering that he is a Massachusetts man, I do not wish to interfere against him. For the present I stand aloof. . . . Tell me what you think of our duty now with regard to Mexico and France. You notice that the House resolution Ante, p. 119. Lieber's Life and Letters, p. 346. has already caused an echo in Europe. I have kept it carefully in my committee room, where it still sleeps. My idea has been that we were not in a condition to give
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
etaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the ahn and Flanders as members of Congress from Louisiana, when New Orleans and its suburbs only were lready adopted and installed in Arkansas and Louisiana, or to declare a constitutional competency ih Congress. In view of the proceedings in Louisiana and Arkansas, and to prevent such exceptiona recognizing as the legitimate government of Louisiana the one formed under Mr. Lincoln's directionl moved to take up the resolution concerning Louisiana, and Sumner urged instead the consideration r. He reviewed at length the proceedings in Louisiana, and supported the resolution. When the rd the recognition of the State government of Louisiana. New York World, Feb. 28, 1865; New York y duty to oppose his scheme of government in Louisiana, which for the present is defeated in Congreoceedings which had been taken in Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas. The change of mind which t[26 mor
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
ve franchise, or of any other rights, on account of race or color in the proposed State; and in his view the condition when accepted would be perpetually obligatory. Sumner proposed. Feb. 25, 1865, to apply the same fundamental condition to Louisiana, following the Missouri Compromise precedent. (Works, vol. IX. p. 317.) The validity of such conditions was treated by him and other senators in debates, Jan. 14 and Feb. 17, 1870. Works, vol. XIII. pp. 216-221, 331-335. Western senators frs after the admission of the State, and regarding a constitutional prohibition as the only perfect and effective remedy.—when he was supported by the entire Republican vote; and the bill applying the condition to North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, and Alabama became a law notwithstanding President Johnson's veto. It passed the Senate June 25, 1868. The partisans of woman suffrage made an effort without success to enlist Sumner in their movement. Withholding an opinion a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
little miserable technicality, and reproached him for not being practical. Sumner reminded the senator from Ohio that there had been times (in the contest over Louisiana) when he had more clearly seen the importance of a question of human rights, and had not belittled it as trivial and as only a technicality. He denied also empht what such provisions should be, brought back an old question always fruitful in stubborn contention. The House had passed Eliot's bill for civil government in Louisiana, providing a full method, and establishing suffrage without distinction of race or color. Feb. 11, 12. 1867. Congressional Globe, pp. 1129, 1175. which Sumneremoving district commanders without the consent of the Senate, or the recommendation of the commanding general, instancing Sheridan as likely to be removed from Louisiana. （July 19; Works, vol. XI. p. 424.) The President, as the bill was not acted upon, removed Sheridan ten days later. While at home, in June, he attended a munic
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
ion for a similar reason, in March, 1873. His arbitrary methods in attempting to acquire San Domingo and the removal of Sumner from the foreign relations committee as the sequel of his failure, entered largely into the discussion. One of the points made against him was his interference through the army with the governments and elections of the restored rebel States; but in this respect he had only done what Republicans generally had approved, and even demanded. His acts in this line in Louisiana during his second term were less defensible; but just before he finally left office he signified that the country had had enough of this kind of interference. This point was certainly not open to those who had pressed nationalism in the interest of loyal people at the South, of both races, to the limit of constitutional law. Amnesty to the rebels was put by Greeley in the foreground; but the President could not be charged with having been obstructive to this measure, as he had signed with