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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 584 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 298 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 112 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 76 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 72 0 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1 62 0 Browse Search
Oliver Otis Howard, Autobiography of Oliver Otis Howard, major general , United States army : volume 1 62 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition. 52 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 50 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 46 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for Maine (Maine, United States) or search for Maine (Maine, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 8 results in 7 document sections:

ng an insignificant minority in the border states, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri; but not one from any state south of the celebrated political line of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes. It had been the invariable usage with nominating conventions of all parties to select candidates for the presidency and vice presidency, one from the North and the other from the South, but this assemblage nominated Lincoln of Illinois for the first office, and for the second, Hamlin of Maine—both Northerners. Lincoln, its nominee for the presidency, had publicly announced that the Union could not permanently endure, half slave and half free. The resolutions adopted contained some carefully worded declarations, well adapted to deceive the credulous who were opposed to hostile aggressions upon the rights of the states. In order to accomplish this purpose, they were compelled to create a fictitious issue, in denouncing what they described as the new dogma that the Constitution,
eme theories of state rights, but leaders and expositors of the highest type of Federalism, and of a strong central Government. This fact gives their support of the right of secession the greater significance. The celebrated Hartford convention assembled in December, 1814. It consisted of delegates chosen by the legislatures of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, with an irregular or imperfect representation from the other two New England states, New Hampshire and Vermont, Maine was not then a state. convened for the purpose of considering the grievances complained of by those states in connection with the war with Great Britain. They sat with closed doors, and the character of their deliberations and discussions has not been authentically disclosed. It was generally understood, however, that the chief subject of their considerations was the question of the withdrawal of the states they represented from the Union. The decision, as announced in their published rep
e of the South, a fire in the rear will be opened upon such troops, which will either stop their march altogether or wonderfully accelerate it. The Union, of Bangor, Maine, spoke no less decidedly to the same effect: The difficulties between the North and the South must be compromised, or the separation of the States shall be peaceable. If the Republican party refuse to go the full length of the Crittenden amendment—which is the very least the South can or ought to take—then, here in Maine, not a Democrat will be found who will raise his arm against his brethren of the South. From one end of the State to the other let the cry of the Democracy be, Compromise or Peaceable Separation! That these were not expressions of isolated or exceptional sentiment is evident from the fact that they were copied with approval by other Northern journals. Lincoln, when delivering his inaugural address on March 4, 1861, had not so far lost all respect for the consecrated traditions of the
Appendix D speech of Davis of Mississippi in the Senate of the United States (chiefly in answer to Fessenden of Maine, on the message of the President of the United States transmitting to Congress the Lecompton Constitution of Kansas), February 8, 1858: I wish to express not only my concurrence with the message of the President, but my hearty approbation of the high motive which actuated him when he wrote it. In that paper breathes the sentiment of a patriot, and it stands out in bold contrast with the miserable slang by which he was pursued this morning. It may serve the purposes of a man who little regards the Union to perpetrate a joke on the hazard of its dissolution. It may serve the purpose of a man who never looks to his own heart to find there any impulses of honor, to arraign everybody, the President and the Supreme Court, and to have them impeached and vilified on his mere suspicion. It ill becomes such a man to point to Southern institutions as to him a moral l
cept my sincere thanks for this manifestation of your kindness. Vanity does not lead me so far to misconceive your purpose as to appropriate the demonstration to myself; but it is not the less gratifying to me to be made the medium through which Maine tenders an expression of regard to her sister, Mississippi. It is, moreover, with feelings of profound gratification that I witness this indication of that national sentiment and fraternity which made us, and which alone can keep us, one people.and I speak, therefore, for that class; and I tell you that your candidate for Governor has uttered to-night everything which we have claimed as a principle for our protection. And I have found the same condition of things in the neighboring State of Maine. I have found that the Democrats there asserted the same broad constitutional principle for which we have been contending, by which we are willing to live, for which we are willing to die! In this state of the case, my friends, why is the
ands. If you solve it not before I go, you will have still to decide it. Toward you individually, as well as to those whom you represent, I would that I had the power now to say there shall be peace between us for ever. I would that I had the power now to say the intercourse and the commerce between the States, if they can not live in one Union, shall still be uninterrupted; that all the social relations shall remain undisturbed; that the son in Mississippi shall visit freely his father in Maine, and the reverse; and that each shall be welcomed when he goes to the other, not by himself alone, but also by his neighbors; and that all that kindly intercourse which has subsisted between the different sections of the Union shall continue to exist. This is not only for the interest of all, but it is my profoundest wish, my sincerest desire, that such remnant of that which is passing away may grace the memory of a glorious though too brief existence. Day by day you have become more and
12, 117, 127, 135, 136, 138-39, 147, 161,219. Advocation of U. S. Constitution, 87, 94, 105-06, 113-14, 144. Remarks on sovereignty, 122. Opposition to armed force against states, 150. Extracts from speech on sectional inter-ests, 158. Drawing of Virginia resolutions, 160-61. Magoffin, Gov. B. (of Kentucky). Correspondence with Lincoln and Davis on status of Kentucky, 333-36. Reply to U. S. call for troops, 354. Magruder, Gen. John B., 296, 297, 406. Checking enemy, 260. Maine, 63. Mallory, S. R., 175, 189, 272. Selected secretary of navy (Confederacy), 207. Manassas, Battle of. Preparation for, 300. Conflict, 302-05, 311-12. After the battle, 306, 310-11. Beauregard's plan for defense and the endorsement, 319-21. Extracts from narrative of Gen. Early, 322-28. Extract from reminiscences of Col. Lay, 329. Maney, —, 352. Marshall, John, 114, 151, 219. Extracts from speeches, 139-40. Thornton F., 338. Martin, Luther, 118. Description of thr