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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Mr. Mitchel's Desires. (search)
Mr. Mitchel's Desires. A mysterious philosopher of Massachusetts somewhere has remarked, that consistency is the vice of little minds. If this aphorism is to be accepted, then we may suppose Mr. John Mitchel's intellect to be of gigantic proportions, and his brain by several ounces heavier than that of Webster or of Cuvier was found to be. For of all the erratic men of a race notoriously erratic, Patriot Mitchel has turned the most bewildering flip-flaps. As a political artist, he may be said, like some celebrated painters, to have changed his manner: and his last manner is precisely the opposite of his first. The denouncer of English tyranny; the champion of Irish liberty; the persecuted for freedom's sake; the man who nearly thrust his neck into a hempen cravat in his eagerness to emancipate Ireland; this man is about to start a newspaper somewhere at the South, solely devoted to apologies for oppression, to vindications of absolutism, to eulogiums of Slavery. New light h
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), A New Laughing-stock. (search)
Mars unusually rampant, have we not always Momus with us, and reason to bless the sensitive divinities that banished him from Olympus? What an intolerable world this would be, if all the fools were out of it! But we need not fear for the succession, while the sunny sections of this confederacy continue to produce such a crop of choice ones, born to the motley. The last and finest fool who has wandered here, is an ancient gentlemen from New Orleans — a certain General Palfrey--who left Massachusetts half a century ago, and who came to Boston to celebrate the last Fourth of July. Had he but made his festive and anniversary visit sooner, he might have eaten dinner at the Revere House with the Hon. Benjamin F. Hallet, and filled himself at that peripatetic and perennial fountain of dish-water. Had he even given notice of his intention of visiting Boston, different arrangements might have been made. Unfortunately, his guide took him to the Music Hall. Unfortunately, Mr. George Sumne
. Slavery is the surest touchstone of political character at the present time, and the test was fatal to Mr. Choate. He thought to be enslaved was the best for the blacks, and that to enslave them was the best for the whites. The people of Massachusetts were not of his mind; but we will do him the justice to say, that for the opinion of the people of Massachusetts he cared very little. There was an inherent love of paradox in his nature, which a long practice in the courts did not, of coursMassachusetts he cared very little. There was an inherent love of paradox in his nature, which a long practice in the courts did not, of course, diminish. Clear-headed men were not deceived by the fulmination or the fulgidities of his rhetoric. He was careless of personal consequences, and would at any time risk success for the sake of startling. In avoiding political duties or in unfitting himself to discharge them — in suffering himself to drift into the turbid and alien waters of sham-democracy — in seeking with scoffs and sneers to silence the discussion of great questions — in timidly avoiding the conflict when danger was at <
not, therefore, pretend to estimate the gratitude which Massachusetts should feel for Mr. Josiah Perham, who may be called thd appear, have entered the brain of Josiah, viz.: 1. Massachusetts and Virginia are not upon thee-and-thou terms; 2. If Virginia would but pay Massachusetts a visit, partake of her comestibles and her potables, and listen to the chief orators anduble, resolved himself to be, pro hac vice, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and accordingly wrote a polite billet to the Hnt from the subpoenas which Virginia is wont to send to Massachusetts, was received by the Hon. John Letcher, he seems to havpress, who, after due pondering, has decided that until Massachusetts shall have repealed sundry laws hostile to the South, V not eat a Massachusetts dinner, will not sleep between Massachusetts sheets. Undoubtedly a stunner for Perham! Virginia isf Free Tickets and Peace-Maker-General to the States of Massachusetts and Virginia! And yet will Josiah permit us to whisp
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), A Biographical battle. (search)
censure in critical circles, they are entertaining. But Colonel Parker is in trouble. He is censured by The Atlantic Monthly; he is cut up by The (London) Saturday Review; he is rebuked by Mr. Joseph Bell, who has Mr. Choate's memory in his special keeping; and he is treated by The Boston Courier very much as Captain Lemuel Gulliver was by the first Yahoos whose acquaintance he had the pain of making. Unless Colonel Parker--who is not of the Regular Army, but in the Militia Service of Massachusetts--shall make a great deal of money by the sale of his publication, he will wish that he had fallen upon his own sword, before venturing into the battle of print. The family is dreadfully angry. To speak individually, Mr. Joseph Bell is disgusted, and has written a special epistle to The Courier informing the world of that fact. Colonel Parker's poor little book is declared to be an outrage on the living and the dead. Colonel Parker has already retorted upon the family and The Courier
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Southern Notions of the North. (search)
xhibited. It is hardly an exaggeration to say, that the entire wealth of cities and towns, of private corporation and of individuals has been tendered to the Government upon its own terms. We do not believe there are ten thousand persons in Massachusetts who have given nothing or done nothing for the cause. And that which is true of Massachusetts is true of every other free State. Mercenaries, indeed! We do not have to put the screws upon our bank directors here to obtain a public loan, ThMassachusetts is true of every other free State. Mercenaries, indeed! We do not have to put the screws upon our bank directors here to obtain a public loan, There is a race of giving and a competition of munificence. This in time will, we hope, satisfy our quondam brethren in Virginia, South Carolina and other territories of the United States, that we are not so miserably poor as they have been kind enough to suppose. After all we have given to the sacred cause of Law and Order, we have still a dollar or so left; and can even borrow a little should our present stock fail us. But we have hardly touched the popular pocket yet. So the sooner the sub
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Striking an Average. (search)
ose, meant to say that the people of the seceding States, are no lower in the scale of civilization than the people of the other States--the people of the State of Massachusetts, for instance — then we take issue and deny the truth of his assertion. In support of this denial, we refer to the Census Report, passim. If it shall be he other, it is Folly and Stupidity. The Seceders may not be any worse than the Hottentots, but in a certain sense they are no better. It will be said that Massachusetts has talked of seceding. This is not true. Certain men, some of them of tolerable culture, but none of them of much political account, may now and then have spouted nonsense; but the popular mind of Massachusetts has never even approximately assented to the doctrine. Her leading statesmen have always ardently disavowed it, and the Union has been a cherished sentiment of her people. But it will be said that the people of the Southern States have been deluded by the Southern aristocra
home. There is enough that is comically curious here without going abroad in search thereof. For instance: Here is a newspaper-we mention no name, for it would not be civil-but here is a newspaper sufficiently noisy in behalf of the Union and Victory and our Flag and Eagle; which keeps rousing and rallying our Brigadiers, and calling for action; which is a perpetual fountain of pretty predictions; and is generally as patriotic as possible; while at the same times if the Governor of Massachusetts in his Annual Message alludes to Slavery as the cause and the curse, this same amiable journal at once begins to growl out: No such thing--niggers have nothing to do with it!--let the niggers alone!--hold your tongue about Slavery!--rally for the Constitution, but, as you hope for peace, say not a word about Emancipation. It affirms that all the Abolitionists are fanatical, enthusiastic, incendiary blackguards. If a Member of Congress ventures to hint that to this same emancipation you
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Platform Novelties. (search)
ung Men's Christian Association was entertained by many merited compliments to the virtues of New England soldiers, and condoled with in the repulse of Gen. Banks's division. The Address to the American Unitarian Association was by the Rev. William Henry Channing, and urged the unification of the various State institutions, by which we should be known as the Model Republic. Mr. Robert C. Winthrop, before the American Tract Society, managed to speak well of that brave and gallant son of Massachusetts, Gen. Banks, which we consider to have been the most extraordinary utterance of the whole week. At the Morning Prayer Meetings thanks were offered for the almost uniform success of our arms. The Church Anti-Slavery Society emphatically, in a series of eloquent resolutions, endorsed Gen. Hunter's Army Order, No. 11. The Home Missionary Society was cheered by the Rev. Mr. Jenkins, who, undaunted by the fact that Dr. (Southside) Adams was in the chair, asserted that the war will coloni
holding interest can upon any occasion, pending any question, fail to have its own way. Voting in Congress will be the emptiest of farces' Honorable Members for the Plantations will have little need to discuss the merits of measures. Their speeches may well be brief and somewhat after this fashion: Do n't pass the bill! If you do, we shall revolt, you know, and really, by this time, we think that you must have had enough of that. We do n't know what Honorable Members for New York or Massachusetts would have to say to this. They might indeed in a passion retort: Revolt and be hanged! but after the old emollient arrangements, Honorable Members for the Plantations would laugh at hangmen as love laughs at locksmiths. This, we take it, would be sufficient to flutter the doves from the Free States into the most amiable compliance. If not, Slavery, the cause of unnumbered crimes and of all our woes, under the operation of the three-fifths clause of the Constitution, by the aid of it
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