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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
ampaign, and he became its chairman. At a later stage in the convention he again spoke briefly, stating the sympathy of Ex-President Adams with the movement in his last days. Besides the work of organization and conference which fell to him as chairman of the State committee and one of the leading promoters of the movement, Sumner gave a large share of his time to addressing the people. He was urged in formal invitations to attend mass meetings in other States,—Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Ohio,—and to speak in the cities of New York, Brooklyn, Albany, and Philadelphia; but except a week in Maine, he confined himself to Massachusetts, speaking in the principal towns and cities, In Maine he spoke at Portland, Bath. Waterville, Augusta, Gardiner, and perhaps one or two other points in that State In Massachusetts he spoke at Central Hall, Boston, September 14, and at other dates at Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pitt
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
s oldest personal friend in the body. The other senators who took the oath at the same time were Hamilton Fish of New York, Benjamin F. Wade of Ohio, James of Rhode Island, and Geyer of Missouri. Later in the day Mallory of Florida was sworn. Sumner had selected a seat on the Democratic side of the chamber,—one recently occupief time, the lateness of the session, and danger to the Union, was lost by a vote of ten yeas to thirty-two nays. The affirmative votes were those of Clarke of Rhode Island, Davis, Dodge, Foot, Hamlin, Seward, Shields, Shields behaved gallantly. His relations with Sumner remained friendly. See remarks made by each, May 4, 18speech. You will see what Hale and Chase said openly in debate. Others are reported in conversation. I know that some Hunkers have felt its force. Clarke of Rhode Island said it would be a text-book when they were dead and gone; Shields said it was the ablest speech ever made in the Senate on slavery; and Bright used even stron
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
uired a division of the cities into districts for the choice of representatives,—changes generally admitted to be wise; but it allowed the cities less than their numerical proportion of representatives, and perpetuated the non-representation of small towns during a part of a decade, except where they arranged among themselves for a union as a district. This system was no more wanting in symmetry than the English system as reformed in 1884-1885, or the apportionment still adhered to in Rhode Island and Connecticut. The numerical inequality which under the old system favored the cities was under the new one to favor the smaller towns. Upon this subject Sumner spoke at greater length and with more earnestness than upon any other, and he was not in harmony with most of the leaders of his party. His speech was marked by clear and methodical thought and sobriety of style. His loyalty to principles, which was characteristic of him through life, led him to reject the temporary or accide
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
of fairness, and allow both parties in the Senate to be represented. The ballot resulted in the election of a committee consisting (contrary to parliamentary usage) wholly of Sumner's political opponents; to wit, Pearce of Maryland, Allen of Rhode Island, Dodge of Wisconsin, Geyer of Missouri, and Cass of Michigan,—their votes ranging from thirty-three to eighteen. The composition of the committee was said to have been inspired by Weller, Douglas, and Mason. J. S. Pike in the New York Tribndignity to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,— approving at the same time the senator's manliness and courage in his earnest and fearless declaration of free principles, and his defence of human rights and free territory. The legislatures of Rhode Island and Connecticut, The resolutions of the Legislature of Connecticut were reported by 0. S. Ferry, afterwards United States senator. both in session, at once responded to the action of Massachusetts in resolutions which were presented to Cong