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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 416 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 114 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 80 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 46 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 38 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2 38 0 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 34 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 30 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10. (ed. Frank Moore) 28 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 28 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Vermont (Vermont, United States) or search for Vermont (Vermont, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 13 results in 9 document sections:

Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 1: re-formation and Reanimation.—1841. (search)
emn. We are not their advocate or expositor; for we choose to be responsible only for what we shall utter or write, and to let every man answer for himself. Doubtless, there are some diversities of views among them; and also some, who profess to be of their number, who do not walk worthily of their profession. All are not Israel who are of Israel, yet the true Israel of God remain loyal. If what we have heard of the sayings and doings of the perfectionists, especially those residing in Vermont, be true, they have Ante, 2.289; Noyes's American Socialisms, p. 624. certainly turned the grace of God into lasciviousness, and given themselves over to a reprobate mind. So, also, if a tithe of the allegations that have been brought against the abolitionists by their enemies be true, they are a body of madmen, incendiaries, and cut-throats. We know how to make allowance for calumny in the one case, and it leads us to be charitable in the other. . . . Now, whatever may be the conduct
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
r. Garrison, who presided, read the Address— with due emphasis, we may be sure. Colonel MillerJ. P. Miller: ante, 2.370. spoke to it, alleging Irish blood in his Vermont veins. Bradburn, confessing himself the son of an Irishman, moved a resolution of sympathy with Ireland, then in the throes of the Repeal agitation. James Canniower of the Federal Government over the District; noticed the insolent exclusion of memorials on this subject emanating from the Legislatures of Massachusetts and Vermont; and (amid immense applause) returned thanks to John Quincy Adams for his bold and indefatigable advocacy of the right of petition. The following may not be summ 12.51, 53, 59. on April 13, a Representative from New York moved in Congress to suppress the Mexican mission, as being an instrumentality of annexation, Slade of Vermont Wm. Slade. seconded him, declaring that he would not give a snap of his Lib. 12.66. finger for the Union after the annexation of Texas. To Botts of Virginia, o
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 3: the covenant with death.—1843. (search)
forbidding judges and justices to take part in the capture Lib. 13.34. of fugitive slaves, and sheriffs, jailors, and constables to detain them. The Governor of Vermont recommended a Lib. 13.170. similar measure. Maine rejected it, as being tantamount Lib. 13.65. to disunion; but imitated Massachusetts in appointing an agent tsert that the people of the free States ought not to submit to it, but we say, with confidence, they would not submit to it. William Slade, elected Governor of Vermont in 1844, discussed annexation at great length in his message to the Legislature, saying: Upon the consummation of the threatened measure, I do not hesitate to say that it would be the duty of Vermont to declare her unalterable determination to have no connection with the new Union, thus formed without her consent and against her will. To carry out this determination would not be to dissolve the Union, but to refuse to submit to its dissolution—not to nullify, but to resist nullification (L
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 5: Texas.—1845. (search)
, toasting, in famous words, Our country . . . however bounded; . . . to be cherished in all our hearts, to be defended by all our hands Lib. 15.118.—an abasement which accepted war with Mexico, along with that spread of slave territory which he had hitherto strenuously opposed. In the same hall of heroic memories the Whig State Convention in October withdrew from the opposition, and left Lib. 15.162. the Constitutional question to the Supreme Court of the United States! Governor Slade of Vermont could no longer urge his State to take, unsupported, an unrelenting attitude, and sought comfort in the illusion that Lib. 15.170. the entrance of Texas into the Union would make slavery a national institution as never before, and expose it to attack as such. Webster, accusing the Liberty Party Lib. 15.182. (by its defeat of Clay) of having procured annexation, hoped, or professed to hope, the consummation might yet be averted; as Charles Francis Adams, seeing Lib. 15.185; cf. 206. noth
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 6: third mission to England.—1846. (search)
hapman's eyes are not sweet, but swift expresses exactly their rapid, comprehensive glance.’ The author of the Biglow Papers had already begun that inimitable satire of the national crime against Mexico, marked, so far, by Taylor's military successes at Lib. 16.82, 167. Matamoras and Monterey. The demoralization which war immediately produces as a mere status, was lamentably shown by the compliance of the Whig governors Briggs Geo. N. Briggs, Wm. Slade. and Slade (of Massachusetts and Vermont respectively) with the President's request for a State call for volunteers. Lib. 16.87, 90, 91, 113. This action did not prevent the party from renominating Briggs, nor did Robert C. Winthrop's acceptance of the Ante, p. 139. war afford a sufficient handle to the Conscience Whigs (as Ms. Sept. 30, 1846, F. Jackson to W. L. G. Charles Francis Adams denominated those who were not Cotton Whigs) to deprive him of a renomination. The Cotton Whigs swept the State. One heard Daniel Webster pr
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
he Sabbath was exclusively a Jewish institution,—a shadow of good things to come, which vanished eighteen hundred years ago before the light of the Christian dispensation, and therefore that it constitutes no part of Christianity,—there is no exemption from the penalty of the law; but, should they venture to labor even for bread on that day, or be guilty of what is called Sabbath desecration, they are liable either to fine or imprisonment! Cases of this kind have occurred in Massachusetts, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, within a comparatively short period, where conscientious and upright persons have been thrust into prison for an act no more intrinsically heinous than that of gathering in a crop of hay, or selling moral or philanthropic publications. Allusion is here made to the case of Charles C. Burleigh, who in February, 1847, was twice put in jail in West Chester, Pa. (the second time for six days), for selling anti-slavery books on Sunday (Lib. 17.54, 59; Penn. Freeman,
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
occupy the ground of Disunion. It is not a matter of political expediency or policy, or even of incongruity of interests between the North and the South. It strikes deeper, it rises higher, than that. This is the question: Are we of the North not bound in a Union with slaveholders, whereby they are enabled to hold four millions of our countrymen in bondage, with all safety and impunity? Is not Massachusetts in alliance with South Carolina, Rhode Island with Georgia, Maine with Alabama, Vermont with Mississippi, giving the strength of this nation to the side of the dealer in human flesh? My difficulty, therefore, is a moral one. The Union was formed at the expense of the slave population of the land. I cannot swear to uphold it. As I understand it, they who ask me to do so, ask me to do an immoral act—to stain my conscience—to sin against God. How can I do this? I care not what consequences may be predicted. It is a sin to strike hands with thieves, and consent with adultere
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 19: John Brown.—1859. (search)
voice of the country should Lib. 29.6. prove to be for slavery extension. The ambitious Governor of Ohio, Salmon P. Chase, a political huckster who hopes to carry his principles to the Presidential market Lib. 29.107. (in Quincy's phraseology), was silent on the absorbing Lib. 29.6. national topic; in Massachusetts, Governor Banks, a Presidential baby at nurse, Lib. 29.107. was equally dumb. Later on, both Chase and Banks prevented their respective legislatures from passing laws such as Vermont had enacted Lib. 28.199; 29.22, 44, 122. to make the trial or rendition of slaves impossible on her soil. In the summer of 1858, Mr. Garrison (in company with the Rev. Samuel May, Jr., and the Rev. N. R. Johnston, pastor of the Covenanter Church at Topsham, Vt.), made an anti-slavery tour of the Green Mountain State, which he had not revisited since he left it to join Lundy in Baltimore (Lib. 28.135,146). These speakers urged the sending up of petitions for an anti-slave-catching law, w
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. (search)
with us! Long John has gone over to Douglas! The Higher Power at the helm of affairs paid no attention to such trivialities. The October State elections in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, following those in New Lib. 30.163, 147. England, clearly foreshadowed the result of the national contest. Will the South be so obliging as to secede from the Union? Lib. 30.163. asked Mr. Garrison. And, I salute your Convention with hope and joy, he wrote to his Lib. 30.175. friend Johnston in Vermont, on October 15. All the omens are with us. Forward! N. R. Johnston. On the sixth of November, Lincoln was elected by the vote of every Northern Lib. 30.178. State save one; and that array of the North under one banner and the South under an opposing banner foreseen Ante, p. 87. by Mr. Garrison in 1843—with the issue sure, whether prudence or desperation ruled the counsels of the Slave Power—at length came to pass. For the first time in our history, said Wendell Phillips, the slave has