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Charles E. Stowe, Harriet Beecher Stowe compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe, Chapter 16: the Civil war, 1860-1865. (search)
e foundation of righteousness. Sisters, what have you done, and what do you mean to do? We appeal to you as sisters, as wives, and as mothers, to raise your voices to your fellow-citizens, and your prayers to God for the removal of this affliction and disgrace from the Christian world. In behalf of many thousands of American women. Harriet Beecher Stowe. Washington, November 27, 1862. The publication of this reply elicited the following interesting letter from John Bright:-- Rochdale, March 9, 1863. Dear Mrs. Stowe,--I received your kind note with real pleasure, and felt it very good of you to send me a copy of the Atlantic monthly with your noble letter to the women of England. I read every word of it with an intense interest, and I am quite sure that its effect upon opinion here has been marked and beneficial. It has covered some with shame, and it has compelled many to think, and it has stimulated not a few to act. Before this reaches you, you will have seen wha
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2, Chapter 22: England again, and the voyage home.—March 17 to May 3, 1840. —Age 29. (search)
wider interests of civilization, required an end of the controversy; and that, as the first step towards a complete settlement, the English people should be brought by an emphatic statement to realize the full justice and import of our case: but his regard for them, and his interest in their welfare were as lively then as in his youth. On his fourth and final visit to Europe, a third of a century after the first, he passed the last night, before sailing on his return, with John Bright, at Rochdale, when he spoke with admiration of England, and of her public men, and with much tenderness of the many friends he counted among her well-known names. Sumner's social career in England did not make him less an American and a republican. Writing a few years later, he said: I have always enjoyed the refinement of the best society; but I have never sat in the palaces of England, without being pained by the inequality of which the inordinate luxury was a token. To Judge Story he wrote fro
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
y puzzled by the inquiry. Several influences set the current against us, and they may be classified as follows:— 1. The privileged classes, nobility and landed gentry, feared the power and example of our republic; Bright, in his address at Rochdale, Dec. 18, 1862, mentions that in private, when a candid opinion was given, it was said that the republic is too great and powerful; and that it is better for us — not by us meaning you, but the governing classes and the governing policy of Engla they had no sources of information not open to their distinguished contemporary. Bright at the very hour when the English temper was most excited by the seizure of Mason and Slidell, not then surrendered, appealed to his country in a speech at Rochdale, Dec. 4, 1861:— Now, whether the Union will be restored or not, or the South achieve an unhonored independence or not, I know not, and I predict not. But this I think I know: that in a few years, a very few years, the twenty millions of fr<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
d troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. The following extracts are given from letters written by Sumner early in the session which began in December, 1863:— To Mr. Bright, December 15:— I have just received the Manchester Examiner, containing the speeches at Rochdale, By Cobden and Bright. which I have read gratefully and admiringly. Cobden's positive testimony must tell for us; and let me add that I like him the better the nearer he gets to the position that recognition is a moral impossibility. If this were authoritatively declared, the case would soon be closed. It is because the gate is still left open that the public is vexed by constantly receiving reports that in the event of Federal reverses there will be recognition. No Fe
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
blic confidence; but there is an impression that sooner or later there will be a change. Among the aspirants is General Butler. He cannot be expected to succeed so long as Mr. Adams is in London, as they are both from Massachusetts. Our people continue to be moved. They are now thronging the streets to visit the remains of the late President, at the Executive Mansion. This letter, written as soon as tidings of the assassination reached England, was received from Mr. Bright:— Rochdale, April 29, 1865. dear Mr. Sumner—How can I write to you, and what can I say For fifty years, I think, no other event has created such a sensation in this country as the great crime which has robbed you of your President. The whole people positively mourn, and it would seem as if again we were one nation with you, so universal is the grief and the horror at the deed of which Washington has been the scene. I have had a month of extraordinary suffering—the death of Mr. Cobden; then the de<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
of plaintive tone: If the time has done you good, perhaps you will come again. I should not like to think I am not to meet you in this life again. God knows, and one is thankful. He alone knows the solemn future. From Chatsworth he went to Rochdale. Mr. Bright described, in 1875, his visit, thus:— His last night in England was spent at my house at Rochdale; we sat up till after midnight. The conversation, which I remember, was on many topics. Two of them I remember particularly. HRochdale; we sat up till after midnight. The conversation, which I remember, was on many topics. Two of them I remember particularly. He spoke of the President and of the estrangement between them; of the San Domingo scheme, and of the offer to him of the mission to England as a proposition to shut his mouth on that question; and he gave me a printed paper with, I think, an unspoken speech or unpublished writing, defending himself and condemning the conduct of the President. I have not kept this paper. A more interesting subject of conversation was his visit to England and the quiet time he had spent in London. He wished
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Shall Cromwell have a statue? (search)
o the Civil War? Before entering, however, on this well-worn—I might say, this threadbare—theme, as I find myself compelled in briefest way to do, there is one preliminary very essential to be gone through with—a species of moral purgation. Bearing in mind Dr. Johnson's advice to Boswell, on a certain memorable occasion, we should at least try to clear our minds of cant. Many years ago, but only shortly before his death, Richard Cobden said in one of his truth-telling deliverances to his Rochdale constituents—I really believe I might be Prime Minister. If I would get up and say you are the greatest, the wisest, the best, the happiest people in the world, and keep on repeating that, I don't doubt but what I might be Prime Minister. I have seen Prime Minister's made in my experience precisely by that process. The same great apostle of homely sense, on another occasion bluntly remarked in a similar spirit to the House of Commons—We generally sympathise with everybody's rebels but
The Daily Dispatch: January 28, 1861., [Electronic resource], An opinion at law. (search)
An opinion at law. --Mrs. Maden, the wife of an artist in Rochdale, Yorkshire, (Eng.) appeared at the Court in that town as plaintiff for the recovery of a valuable piano-forte, wrongfully, as she alleged, detained from her. She did not object to make oath, but before she was sworn, defendant's attorney interrogated Mrs. Maden as to her religious belief. She avowed her belief in the Bible, her conviction that a falsehood would be punished, but her disbelief in a future state; whereupon the Judge nonsuited her, gave costs to the defendant, and told Mrs. Maden that "it people would outrage public opinion, they must take the consequences."--His disposition of the case called forth much resentment. Public subscriptions have been entered into there and in neighboring towns to present Mrs. Maden with a new piano-forte, and to procure a new trail.
The Daily Dispatch: December 19, 1861., [Electronic resource], article 16 (search)
h. The Latest. Queenstown, Dec. 5th. --The excitement in reference to the Slidell and Mason affair continues unabated. The Paris Temps repeats the statement that Napoleon had tendered his services as a mediator. It is rumored that the steamer Persia has been chartered to convey troops to Canada. This, however, is pronounced premature. The Australiasian was advertised to sail for New York on the 7th, but the America has been substituted. At the banquet given at Rochdale Mr. Bright made an elaborate speech on American affairs. He declined to give a decided opinion in the Trent affair. He said he believed that if the act be illegal, America will make a fitting reparation. He strongly condemned warlike feelings in reference to the matter, and scouted the idea that the American Cabinet had resolved to pick a quarrel with England. He made an eloquent peroration in favor of the North. A letter was read by Mr. Cobden, of the Pacific line, urging a suspen
The Daily Dispatch: December 30, 1861., [Electronic resource], From Southwestern Virginia. (search)
to no conflict with America; the early recognition of the slave Confederation might, and most likely would. The London times on the speech of John Bright. The London Times, of the 6th inst., has an editorial criticising the remarks lately made by the Hon. John Bright on the arrest of Messrs. Mason and Slidell, in which it pronounces it a wishy-washy affair, and of no special importance either one side or the other. It concludes as follows: If Mr. Bright, who was supported at Rochdale by the U. S. Consul, and, no doubt, by all the aid which the United States can afford, was unable to do more than sneer at all international law, and, at the same time to give up the outrage upon the British flag as "impolitic and bad," we are tolerably sure that we have heard all that can be said against England, and that she is indisputably right in taking the straight course to vindicate her honor. Let America judge by the speech of her greatest admirer in England how little can be said
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