Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II.. You can also browse the collection for Frankfort (Kentucky, United States) or search for Frankfort (Kentucky, United States) in all documents.

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lson at Richmond, Ky. Bragg captures 4,000 men at Munfordsville advances to Frankfort, and inaugurates Richard Hawes as Governor of Kentucky Buell follows him frosville, Bragg continued his unresisted march northward, through Bardstown, to Frankfort, Oct. 1. the State capital, where Smith had preceded him, and where Richarthan a pretentious farce: hardly was it completed when the Yankees threatened Frankfort; and the newly installed Governor had to flee from their approach. Gen. Buset his face toward the enemy; Oct. 1. moving in five columns: his left on Frankfort, his right on Shepardsville, intending to concentrate on Bardstown, where Brao of his three divisions — that of Gen. Sill having been detached and sent to Frankfort — had directed the posting of his troops and formation of his line of battle-h on this adventure. Sill's division — which had followed Kirby Smith from Frankfort, and had had a little fight with his rearguard near Lawrenceburg — reached P
f, the master has recovered his servant and taken him away. I need hardly remind you that there will always be found some lawless and mischievous persons in every army; but I assure you that the mass of this army is lawabiding, and that it is neither its disposition nor its policy to violate law or the rights of individuals in any particular. With great respect, your obedient servant, D. C. Buell, Brig.-Gen. Commanding Department. Hon. J. R. Underwood, Chairman Military Committee, Frankfort, Ky. Gen. Joseph Hooker, commanding on the Upper Potomac, issued March 26, 1862. the following order: To brigade and regimental commanders of this division: Messrs. Nally, Gray, Dunnington, Dent, Adams, Speake, Price, Posey, and Cobey, citizens of Maryland, have negroes supposed to be with some of the regiments of this division: the Brigadier-General commanding directs that they be permitted to visit all the camps of his command, in search of their property; and, if found, t
lad to surrender. It is added that the Rebels were nearly out of ammunition. It is to be hoped that they paroled their prisoners not to serve again during the War, unless on their side. Gen. Burbridge, who had promptly started on Morgan's track, had, by a forced march of 90 miles, struck June 9. him heavily at Mount Sterling; Morgan decamping at the close to continue his career. Part of his force entered Lexington at 2 next morning, burned the railroad depot, and left, heading for Frankfort and Georgetown. Part of Cynthiana was burned by another detachment. But, near that place, Burbridge fell June 12. on the Rebel raiders while at breakfast; killing and wounding 300 of them, capturing 400, beside 1,000 horses, and liberating some of Hobson's men. Hobson and staff were recaptured soon afterward. Our loss in this. conflict flict was but 150. Morgan fled to south-western Virginia with the wreck of his command, which was no longer a force. He had only gathered a small b
soon visited Washington, expressly to protest against, and (if possible) to obviate, this enrollment of negroes, or at least to render its execution less offensive and annoying to their masters — finding the President disposed to do whatever he could to reconcile the Kentuckians to the bitter prescription. Mr. Lincoln was induced to put the substance of lis observations at their interview into the following letter: Executive Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1864. A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.: my dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally said the other day, in your presence, to Gov. Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-Slavery. If Slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I can not remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would