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open ground against slavery in his speech of Nov. 4, 1845. extracts from this speech. notice of Mr. Sumner's stand by Mr. Wilson. Mr. Sumner's preparation for his course. his Persistency. Though all the winds of doctrine were let loose to plaslowly swelling; and one friend of freedom after another, as Edmund Quincy, Wendell Phillips, William H. Burleigh, and Henry Wilson, son, nobly rose to assert that the aggressions of the slave-power could and must be met. Now where will Mr. Sumner taonventions were held, petitions signed, in various sections of our State, and eloquent speeches made by Edmund Quincy, Henry Wilson, Theodore Parker, William Henry Channing, R. W. Emerson, and others, with the design of influencing Congress on the fihuman anomaly,--a Northern man with Southern principles. Such a man is no true son of Massachusetts. This, says Mr. Henry Wilson in his invaluable History of the rise and fall of the slave power in America, was the first public participation of
motives. He well knew, that, as in the Roman triumphal processions, so in public service, obloquy is an essential ingredient in the composition of all true glory.--Edmund Burke. Early in 1848, a small company of reformers, among whom were Henry Wilson, Stephen C. Phillips, John A. Andrew, and Horace Mann, used to assemble frequently in the rooms of Mr. Sumner in Court Street to discuss the encroachments of the slaveocracy, and the duties and delinquencies of the Whig party. Here indeed wasd, in the national convention held in Philadelphia on the first day of June, united with the advocates of slavery in the nomination of Zachary Taylor — a slaveholder, and known to be adverse to the Wilmot Proviso — for the presidential chair. Henry Wilson and Charles Allen, delegates from this State, denounced the action of the body; and returning home held with their associates, in the city of Worcester, on the 28th of June, a grand mass-meeting, over which Charles Francis Adams presided. Abl
eneficence all the comprehensive energies which have been so fatally absorbed in its support. Then, at last, shall it be seen that there can be no peace that is not honorable; and there can be no war that is not dishonorable. Planted on the solid ground of opposition, under and within the constitution, to slavery and its extension, the Free-soil party commended itself more and more to the profound convictions of the Northern people, and, under the direction of such clearheaded men as Henry Wilson, Stephen C. Phillips, Charles A. Phelps, and Charles Sumner, gradually acquired position and commanding influence. At a convention of the party held at Worcester, Sept. 12, 1849, Mr. Sumner, calling the members to order, said,-- It was the sentiment of Benjamin Franklin, that great apostle of freedom, uttered during the trials of the Revolution, that Where liberty is, there is my country. I doubt not that each member of this convention will be ready to respond, in a similar strain, W
ited-States Senate. he makes no Pledges. the turning vote. opinion of the press. letter to Mr. Wilson. letter of Mr. Whittier. Mr. Sumner's Acceptance of his office. Description of his person. mous coalition of the Free-soil and Democratic parties, effected mainly through the agency of Henry Wilson in the legislature, 1851, Mr. Sumner was elected, over Robert C. Winthrop, the Whig candidateumphant party. On the next day Mr. Sumner frankly avowed his indebtedness for his success to Henry Wilson. Craigie House, Cambridge, April 25, 1851. My dear Wilson I have this moment read youWilson I have this moment read your remarks of last night, which I think peculiarly happy. You touched the right chord. I hope not to seem cold or churlish in thus withdrawing from all the public manifestations of triumph to which o possible. Delay will be the tactics of the enemy. Sincerely yours, Charles Sumner. The Hon. Henry Wilson. In a letter to me dated Amesbury, 8th month. 1874, John G. Whittier, in reference t
d speech at Worcester. tyranny of the slave-power. backbone needed. the American Merchant. Mr. Wilson enters the United-States Senate. the position and out-look. Mr. Sumner's plan of Emancipatioe grand, compact, and solid body, the Republican party was, through the constructive power of Henry Wilson and a few other leading politicians, formed in the summer of 1854 to occupy the place of the slavery and the practical demands of the present age. On the tenth day of February, 1855, Henry Wilson, a fearless representative of the working-men, and of the progressive spirit, of Massachusettf a new day. A forlorn hope, said politicians on the lower plane. But the feet of Sumner and of Wilson touched the rock: their temples felt the breeze of an incoming power. Shoulder to shoulder theyferring to the course pursued by Mr. Sumner in Congress, Theodore Parker says, in a letter to Henry Wilson, dated Feb. 15, 1855,-- What a noble stand Sumner has taken and kept in the Senate! He is
conclusion of the speech. the effect of the speech. remarks of Mr. Wilson. the assault on Mr. Sumner. his account of the same. the effect of this assault on the North and South. Mr. Brooks challenges Mr. Wilson, also Mr. Burlingame. Mr. Sumner at Cape May; at Cresson; at PhilThe senator from South Carolina has applied to my colleague, said Mr. Wilson, in his strong defence of Mr. Sumner delivered in the senate on tted in removing him to a sofa in the lobby of the Senate-chamber. Mr. Wilson, who was in the room of Mr. Banks at the time of the attack, came Kansas: let them bleed! On the day subsequent to the assault, Mr. Wilson called the attention of the Senate to the circumstance; and, a coies of Order! Order! rang through the assembly. Two days later Mr Wilson received a challenge from Mr. Brooks, and in reply made use of thve, said he, let it all go to suffering Kansas. That letter, and Mr. Wilson's answer to the challenge, wrote Mrs. L. M. Child, have revived m
especially to the young men of Boston, out of whose hearts, as from an exuberant fountain, this broad hospitality took its rise. In referring to his colleague, Mr. Wilson, he said, It is my special happiness to recognize his unfailing sympathies for myself, and his manly assumption of all the responsibilities of honor. His encom he wrote a letter to M. F. Conway, to the effect that State legislatures should contribute to sustain the cause of liberty in Kansas, which, with a letter from Mr. Wilson to the governor of Vermont, was in a great measure instrumental in securing an appropriation of twenty thousand dollars from that State. On the 24th of the samarrogant assumptions of the slaveholding congressmen. But more and more enlightened by the eloquent speeches of such advocates of freedom as Wendell Phillips, Henry Wilson, William H. Seward, and Joshua R. Giddings; by the pulpit, which now spoke out fearlessly; and by the public press, especially by The Liberator and The New-Yor
That is all. Mr. Sumner commenced his speech about twelve o'clock, at noon, and continued till about four. The galleries of the Senate were filled with gentlemen and ladies from the North and South; and the most ominous silence prevailed. Mr. Wilson, Mr. King, Mr. Bingham, and Mr. Burlingame sat near the speaker, and, had any attempt at personal violence been made by Messrs. Keitt, Hammond, Toombs, Wigfall, or others who were present, smarting under the scourge of slavery, would doubtless at he had come to hold him responsible for his speech, when Mr. Sumner directed him to leave the room. He departed after some delay, with the menace that he and his three friends from Virginia would call again. Mr. Sumner sent immediately for Mr. Wilson; and in the course of the evening three men came to the door, desiring. to see Mr. Sumner alone; but, as he was in company, they left word at the door, that, if they could not have a private interview, they would cut his throat before another
e, It is but an empty space on the political map! we may at least adopt the response hurled back by Mirabeau, that this empty space is a volcano red with flames, and overflowing with lava-floods. But, whether we deal with it as empty space or as volcano, the jurisdiction, civil and military, centres in Congress, to be employed for the happiness, welfare, and renown of the American people, changing slavery into freedom, and present chaos into a cosmos of perpetual beauty and peace. On Mr. Wilson's bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, Mr. Sumner made (March 31) a very statesmanlike speech, advocating ransom rather than compensation, and clearly intimating what was soon to come. At the national capital, said he, slavery will give way to freedom; but the good work will not stop here: it must proceed. What God and Nature decree, rebellion cannot arrest. And, as the whole wide-spread tyranny begins to tremble, then, above the din of battle, sounding from
to gain. There is no doubt his very earnestness appeared to some as arrogance, and raised an opposition to some of his measures, which otherwise would have been at once accepted. Although he manifested such untiring zeal in respect to the grand question of the country, he was by no means inattentive to other issues, and especially to those pertaining to our relations with foreign powers. His course was generally indorsed by thoughtful men in every section of the North. In a letter to Henry Wilson, dated Boston, March 4, 1863, the Rev. R. H. Neale, D. D., said, I have followed your course with increasing admiration from the beginning of your public life, and think I see in you, and also in Mr. Sumner, unmixed and magnanimous regard for the right, and for the public good. Mr. Sumner's earnest recommendation of E. M. Stanton to Mr. Lincoln as secretary of war, and his equally persistent opposition to Gen. G. B. McClellan as commander of the Army of the Potomac, appeared in the iss
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