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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 3: the covenant with death.—1843. (search)
e part in the capture Lib. 13.34. of fugitive slaves, and sheriffs, jailors, and constables to detain them. The Governor of Vermont recommended a Lib. 13.170. similar measure. Maine rejected it, as being tantamount Lib. 13.65. to disunion; but imitated Massachusetts in appointing an agent to protect the State's colored seamen in Southern Lib. 13.45, 50, 74, 183. ports. A memorial of Boston shipowners to Congress on this subject elicited a report from the Committee on Commerce (Robert C. Winthrop of Massachusetts, chairman), affirming the unconstitutionality of the Southern laws by which colored seamen were arrested and kept in jail while their vessels lay in port, and sold as slaves if charges were not paid. But the House refused leave to print it (Lib. 13: 24, 26, 30; 15: 7). In his admirable report recommending a Personal Liberty Act, Charles Francis Adams said: It is the slave representation which . . . is effecting, by slow but sure degrees, the overthrow of all the n
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 5: Texas.—1845. (search)
Lib. 15.54. any colored seaman—the toleration of which by Congress was a virtual approval of the action of South Carolina towards Mr. Hoar. Yet still Mr. Seward contended— We must resist unceasingly the admission of slave States, and demand the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia Lib. 15.113.; and he even dreamed, when one independent Congress had been elected, that the internal slave-trade may be subjected to inquiry. Amendments to the Constitution will be initiated. Robert C. Winthrop made his surrender on the Fourth of July, and in Faneuil Hall, toasting, in famous words, Our country . . . however bounded; . . . to be cherished in all our hearts, to be defended by all our hands Lib. 15.118.—an abasement which accepted war with Mexico, along with that spread of slave territory which he had hitherto strenuously opposed. In the same hall of heroic memories the Whig State Convention in October withdrew from the opposition, and left Lib. 15.162. the Constitutional que<
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 6: third mission to England.—1846. (search)
ime against Mexico, marked, so far, by Taylor's military successes at Lib. 16.82, 167. Matamoras and Monterey. The demoralization which war immediately produces as a mere status, was lamentably shown by the compliance of the Whig governors Briggs Geo. N. Briggs, Wm. Slade. and Slade (of Massachusetts and Vermont respectively) with the President's request for a State call for volunteers. Lib. 16.87, 90, 91, 113. This action did not prevent the party from renominating Briggs, nor did Robert C. Winthrop's acceptance of the Ante, p. 139. war afford a sufficient handle to the Conscience Whigs (as Ms. Sept. 30, 1846, F. Jackson to W. L. G. Charles Francis Adams denominated those who were not Cotton Whigs) to deprive him of a renomination. The Cotton Whigs swept the State. One heard Daniel Webster proclaim in Faneuil Hall: I am for the Constitution as our fathers left it to us, and standing by it and dying by it. Lib. 16.182. But also one heard John Quincy Adams, from his home in Qui
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
avis. support the operations of a Sabbath League. At home, a New England pro-slavery Sabbatarian press recoiled from the spectacle of the Rev. John G. Palfrey, a Massachusetts Representative in Congress, addressing to the Hon. Lib. 18.14. Robert C. Winthrop, candidate for the Speakership of the House, a catechism as to his probable use of the office with reference to slavery and the Mexican War—on Sunday! But no pain was caused by Mr. Winthrop's replying, on the same day, in a way to forfeit Mr. Winthrop's replying, on the same day, in a way to forfeit his antislavery colleague's support. The Anti-Sabbath Convention adjourned, on motion of Lib. 18.51. Henry C. Wright, to meet at the call of the publishing committee in the following year. Meanwhile, this reformer, making free use of the columns of the Liberator, ventilated his disquieting views of the divine authority of the Bible in connection with war and slavery, in rough, axiomatic fashion, as under the caption, The Bible a self-evident falsehood, if opposed to self-evident truth, Lib.
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 9: Father Mathew.—1849. (search)
iberty or death (Lib. 19: 62; Still's Underground Railroad, p. 81). Ellen Craft, being almost white, disguised herself in male attire as an invalid seeking medical treatment at the North, with her darker husband as her negro boy. They thus travelled openly by first-class conveyances from Georgia to Philadelphia (Still, p. 368). and, amid great applause, said of the former: We say in behalf of this man, whom God Lib. 19.90. created, and whom law-abiding Webster and Winthrop D. Webster. R. C. Winthrop. swore should find no shelter on the soil of Massachusetts —we say that they may make their little motions, and pass their little laws, in Washington, but that Faneuil Hall Repeals them, in the name of the humanity of Massachusetts. All this, with much more, as we have said, belongs to the general historian of the cause. Our main concern must be an incident personal to the subject of this biography, while yet of national interest and importance. In July, the Rev. Theobald Mathew, of
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
. admitted a free State without conditions—dismayed the Southern extremists, and caused the anti-slavery North to regard his death as a calamity. It is incredible, however, that Taylor would not have signed the Fugitive Slave Bill. All we can say is, that he was fated not to have the opportunity, and that Douglas's prophecy again came true in the case of his successor, when the North (nominally) got the man, and the South Ante, p. 238. got the measure. Quite otherwise was it with Robert C. Winthrop's prevision when, in 1848, on giving his adhesion to Taylor's nomination, he said: And if any accident should befall him (which Heaven avert!), your own Millard Fillmore will carry out such an administration to its legitimate completion. Lib. 18.105. This New York doughface, having called Webster to the Secretaryship of State, gave, with alacrity Lib. 20.119. and without scruple, his assent to the Fugitive Sept. 18, 1850. Slave Bill, which else might have failed to become a law. I
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. (search)
tion of Van Buren by a professedly anti-slavery party was either a trick or a joke; and declared, on his own account, that, of the three parties then asking the confidence of the country, the new one had less of principle than any other, adding, amid shouts of laughter, that the recently constructed, elastic Free-Soil platform reminded him of nothing so much as the pair of trousers offered for sale by a Yankee pedlar, which were large enough for any man and small enough for any boy (R. C. Winthrop, Jr.'s, Memoir of David Sears, p. 16). Who is this huckster in politics? asked Wendell Phillips at the New England Convention on May 30. Lib. 30.89. Who is this county-court advocate? Who is this who does not know whether he has got any opinions [about slavery]? It fell to Mr. Phillips, unhappily, to give the cue to the abolitionists concerning Mr. Lincoln. Such examination as he bestowed on the Illinois lawyer's brief Congressional career caused him to misinterpret and unjustly chara