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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 14 (search)
nd Decatur. John Brown has twice as much right to hang Governor Wise, as Governor Wise has to hang him. [Cheers and hisses.]Governor Wise has to hang him. [Cheers and hisses.] You see I am talking of that absolute essence of things which lives in the sight of the Eternal and the Infinite; not as menrched across the quaking State to Richmond and pardoned Governor Wise. Nat Turner's success, in 1831, shows this would have t, disordered, insane public opinion, and proclaim that Governor Wise, because he says he is a governor, is a governor; that ears his body. The most resolute man I ever saw, says Governor Wise, the most daring, the coolest. I would trust his truthe poor human nature! Yet that is the acknowledgment of Governor Wise himself! I will not dignify such a horde with the name a letter in magnanimous appeal to the better nature of Governor Wise. She says in it: John Brown is a hero; he has done a nve hundred miles the pulse of a woman's gratitude. And Governor Wise has opened the door, and announced to the world that s
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
al and just property, in such an hour as this. And again, we must remember another thing,--the complication of such a struggle as this. Bear with me a moment. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? [Many voices, No! Never! ] In 1842, Governor Wise of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. [Applause.] It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr. Adams said (substantially): If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this beleaguered capital,
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 21 (search)
twenty millions of Northerners would take their share in public affairs. I do not think that cause equal to the result. Other men before Jefferson Davis and Governor Wise have been disappointed of the Presidency. Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and Stephen A. Douglas were more than once disappointed, and yet who believes that eithenan. [Laughter.] There is a measure of truth in that. I believe that if, a year ago, when the thing first showed itself, Jefferson Davis and Toombs and Keitt and Wise, and the rest, had been hung for traitors at Washington, and a couple of frigates anchored at Charleston, another couple in Savannah, and half a dozen in New Orles. Slavery, left where it is, after having created such a war as this, would leave our commerce and all our foreign relations at the mercy of any Keitt, Wig fall, Wise, or Toombs. Any demagogue has only to stir up a proslavery crusade, point back to the safe experiment of 1861, and lash the passions of the aristocrats, to cover