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equently, if slave property should be taken away from the citizens of the United States by Generals of the army, in virtue of the proclamation of the President, the property must be restored or paid for by the United States Government, unless the persons from whom it had been taken should be convicted of treason in a court of law, and after a full and fair trial. The Herald is correct. The slaves taken from our citizens during the war will have to be accounted for at its end, either by restoration or indemnity. The matter will not admit of controversy; for, in addition to the obvious propriety of such a course, the exact question has been adjudicated by the United States, and stands on record against them. At the close of the Revolutionary War, and again at the close of the war of 1812, this point came up, and it was settled in the Treaty of Peace of 1783, and in the Treaty of Ghept in 1814, in favor of the restitution of slaves abducted by military authority from the South.
1857, sink into insignificance. Yet those blockades were justified by the powers that declared them, on the sole ground that they were retaliatory yet those blockades have since been condemned by the publicists of those very powers as violations of international law; yet those blockades evoked angry remonstrances from neutral powers, amonges which the United States were the most conspicuous; yet those blockades became the chief cause of the war between Great Britain and the United States in 1812, yet those blockades were one of the principal motives that led to the declaration of the Congress of Paris in 1836, in the fond hope of imposing an enduring check on the very abuse of maritime power, which is now renewed by the United States in 1861 and 1862, under circumstances and with features of aggravated wrong without precedent in history. The records of our State Department contain the evidence of the repeated and formal remonstrances made by this Government to neutral powers agai
o uphold its glory and honor, and bring the war to a glorious termination by subduing the "rebels of the South" It is truly and emphatically a Massachusetts war, and the State that never supported any other war, nor, from the hour of its creation, furnished one single soldier to support the Government of the United States, is fairly entitled to all the honors — if honors there be — in the present unfortunate conflict — When Baltimore and Washington were threatened by the British in the war of 1812, Mr. Madison made a relation for volunteers to defend the capital but not one single man was forthcoming from Massachusetts. But when a false and foolish pretence was set up that Virginians were going to attach the capital Massachusetts was all alive with patriotism, and her "brave and chivalrous sons," promptly resounding, drew the first blood from the surprised and unarmed citizens of Baltimore. Mr. Lincoln had scarcely entered the White House, and sword fealty to Massachusetts, before a<
Southern arms. The last war with England was of brief duration, but, brief as it was, the Yankees illuminated their house and fired their cannon in frantic enthusiasm when peace was declared, although the war left the questions at issue between the two, nations just where it found them. And if they could now have peace with the South on any terms, the great mass of the nation would be electrified with delight, and throw up their hats a good deal higher than they did at the end of the war of 1812. We do not predict that this will be a short war; we see no signs of its termination so long as the demagogues and speculators control the Yankee Government. But we simply desire the Yankees to understand that when they talk in a magnificent way of waging this war for fifty years, and when an unguarded admission falls from some individual in the South that such may be their honest purpose, ninety-nine out of every hundred of our people regard with equal incredulity and contempt their id
The death of Lord Canning, --The late foreign arrival brings us intelligence of the death, in London, of Charles John Canning, the third son of the celebrated George Canning, and long known as a prominent official of the British Government.--He was born in 1812, in London. In 1836 he first appeared in public life as member of Parliament for Warwickshire, and in the following year, by the death of his mother, who retained the title during her life, succeeded to a peerage and entered the House of Lords. Under Sir Robert Peel he was in 1841, appointed Under-Secretary of Foreign Affairs, holding the post for five years. After a brief retirement from political life he was, in 1853, appointed Postmaster-General by Lord Aberdeen, (then Prime Minister,) retaining the position under Lord Pahnerston, and creating several reforms in the postal department. In 1855 Lord Dolhousic, Governor-General of India, died, and Canning was, through the influence of Palmerston, appointed to the vacant
r our subjugation, and, after two years war, had utterly failed, and if the war continued two years longer they would fail to accomplish our subjugation. So far they had not broken the shell of the Confederacy. In the Revolutionary war the British at one time had possession of North Carolina, South Carolina, and other States; they took Philadelphia and dispersed Congress, and for a long time held almost complete away in the Colonies — yet they did not conquer our forefathers. In the war of 1812 the British captured the capital of the nation, Washington city, and burnt it, yet they did not conquer us; and if we are true to ourselves now, true to our birth rights, the Yankee nation will utterly fail to subjugate us. Subjugation would be utter ruin and eternal death to Southern people and all that they hold most dear. He exhorted the people to give the Government a cordial support, to frown down all croakers and grumblers, and to remain united and fight to the bitter end for lib
The Daily Dispatch: July 30, 1863., [Electronic resource], Will the Western Powers of Europe permit the Union to be restored? (search)
t far too closely ever to permit are union fraught with a danger to them, which is greater than all the other dangers combined with which they are or can be threatened Great Britain, with that keen sagacity for which she is so remarkable where her own interests are concerned, discovered this danger soon after she had acknowledged our independence, and the early history of the Union is filled with accounts of British intrigues to break it up. In this she very nearly succeeded during the war of 1812, when at least half the Yankees were disposed to throw off their allegiance and unite with Canada and would have actually done so had the proper occasion over offered. Let us for a moment reflect what would be the inevitable consequences of a reconstruction and then we shall be able to understand how powerful are the motives of the great Powers for not punishing it. The Union at the last census, (1860) to the best of our recollection contained about 28,600,000 of inhabitants. From the t
Campanian on the Southern coast. --The Opinion of the Iron Duke.--During the war of 1812 the English Government appealed to the Duke of Wellington, then in the maturity of his military genius, to furnish a plan of campaign suited to the American country.--The Duke replied: "In such countries as America, very extensive, thinly peopled, and producing but little food in proportion to their extent, military operations by large bodies are impracticable, unless the party carrying them on has the uninterrupted use of a navigable river or very extensive means of land transportation, which such a country can rarely supply. I conceive, therefore, that were your army larger than even the proposed augmentation would make it, you could not quit the lakes (of Canada) and indeed you would be lied to them, the more necessarily in proportion as your army would be large. Then as to landings upon the coast, they are liable to the same objections, to a greater degree, than an offensive opera
State troops to the Confederate States, passed February 18, 1863. As far as I am informed, that is the only mode recognized by law by which State troops can be turned over to the Confederate States. In the present case the militia have not been so turned over, and it does not appear that they are to be. The order to report to General Jenkins, and the command assumed by him in pursuance of it, may be accounted for by the 98th Article of War. Embarrassing questions arose during the war of 1812, as to the mode in which State troops serving with National troops shall be commanded, but I see no reason why, independent of that Article of War, the Governor might not, independent of that Article of War, put the direction of the State troops under command of a Confederate officer holding chief command in the place for whose defence those troops were called out. The supply of rations by the Confederate authorities is explained by the fact that, as these troops were called out by the G
London Morning Post, in an editorial on Canadian defences, says we have confident belief that the bluster of the Federal Government will produce very salutary effects in Canada. In spite of the urgent appeals of the Colonial Office, the Legislature of Canada has refused to place the milia on an efficient footing. As the Canadians have no sympathy with the North, the present prospect of affairs on their continent may induce them to show a little of the spirit which animated their fathers in 1812. Prudence as well as self- interest, should lead them to adopt this course. We may add that it is the bounden duty of the Home Government to look to the naval defences of the province on the inland seas; from Superior to the St. Lawrence there is not so much as a gunboat or armed steamer, whilst the Americans profess to have in their ports a flotilla which, at at any time, would give them command of the lakes, and render access to Canada a melter of comparative case. The Polish question
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