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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects. (search)
under President Buchanan, in an Oration before the South Carolina Historical Society, in 1859. Mr. Trescot was a member of an association of South Carolinians, in 1850, whose avowed object was the destruction of the Republic by disunion. And this was the common tone of thought among them. They cherished regret that their fathersadly blow at the life of the Republic, either alone, or in concert with the politicians of other Slave-labor States. Strong efforts were made in that direction in 1850, when the National Congress mortally offended the Slave interest by discussing the admission of California into the Union as a Free-labor State. Then the Legislathty, as recognized by the wisest men in all time; and he pointed to the actions of some of the States northward of the Potomac hostile to the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, as the strongest evidence, among others, of a sectional combination for the subversion of the Constitution. But in no word in that Declaration was the National G
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 7: Secession Conventions in six States. (search)
ary gatherings. It is quoted from The Iron Furnace; or, Slavery and Secession: by the Rev. Join H. Aughey, a Presbyterian clergyman of Mississippi:-- Ladies and gentlemen:--I am a secessionist out and out; voted for Jeff. Davis for Governor in 1850; when the same issue was before the people. After announcing, in vile language, the election of Mr. Lincoln, he said:-- Shall he be permitted to take his seat on Southern soil? No, never! I will volunteer as one of thirty thousand to butcherarien. It would include the West India Islands and those of the Caribbean Sea, with a greater part of Mexico and Central America. The organization composed of the Knights of the Golden Circle was the soul of all the fillibustering movements from 1850 to 1857; and when these failed, its energies were concentrated to the accomplishment of one of its prime objects — the destruction of the Union. At the time we are considering, two adventurers (George W. Bickley and his nephew) were busily engage
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 9: proceedings in Congress.--departure of conspirators. (search)
d unless it received a majority both of the Republicans and anti-Republicans, they were not passed. Finally, Mr. Seward proposed that no amendment should be made to the Constitution which would authorize or give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere, in any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to service or labor by the laws of such State. Only Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs voted against it. He then proposed that the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 should be so amended as to secure to the alleged fugitive a trial by jury. Stephen A. Douglas amended it so as to have the alleged fugitive sent for trial to the State from which he had escaped. This was voted down, the Republicans and Mr. Crittenden alone voting for it. Mr. Seward further proposed that Congress should pass an efficient law for the punishment of persons engaged in the armed invasion of any State from another State, and all persons in complicity with them. This, too, was re
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 19: events in the Mississippi Valley.--the Indians. (search)
ts ready for the field, and nine more were forming. Governor Blair called the Legislature together on the 7th of May, when that body made liberal appropriations for war purposes. The Legislature of Wisconsin, under the lead of Governor Randall, was equally liberal. That of Iowa and Minnesota followed the patriotic example. The enthusiasm of the people everywhere was wonderful. Before the close of the year (1861), Minnesota sent more men to the field than its entire population numbered in 1850. Message of Governor Ramsay to the Minnesota Legislature. The position of the inhabitants of Kentucky, as a professedly loyal State, was peculiar and painful at this time. We have observed with what insulting words her Governor (Magoffin) responded to the President's call for troops, See page 337. and the fierce denunciations of that call by the Louisville Journal. See page 339. These demonstrations in high places against the war policy of the President, were followed by a great
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3., Chapter 17: Sherman's March through the Carolinas.--the capture of Fort Fisher. (search)
the author, in a government tug, to Fort Fisher, and on Monday morning, March 27, 1866. in company with that officer and a small party, we made an interesting voyage down the Cape Fear. At almost every mile of the way, we saw the remains of war, in the form of obstructions to navigation, Among other obstructions were sunken hulks. One of these was the famous Arctic, one of the vessels of the Grinnell Expedition to the Polar Seas, conducted by Dr. Kane, in search of Sir John Franklin, in 1850. and forts and batteries on the shore. We landed at Fort Anderson, fifteen miles below Wilmington, and visited the ruins of Brunswick Church, within its embankments, which was built before the old War for Independence. It was well toward noon when we landed on Federal Point (called Confederate Point, during the war), near Battery Buchanan, and traveled across the moor-like peninsula to Mound Battery and Fort Fisher. There we spent a few hours, examining the fortifications and sketching.
Owen Wister, Ulysses S. Grant, Bibliography. (search)
1891: Charles Scribner's Sons.) There is no better summary of pertinent political issues. IX. Mr. Fish and the Alabama claims. By J. C. B. Davis. (Boston and New York, 1893: Houghton, Mifflin & Co.) Another excellent and absorbing summary. X. the story of the Civil War. By John Codman Ropes. (New York, 1894-98: G. P. Putnam's Sons.) Unfinished. The reader may always trust Mr. Ropes' information, but not always his judgment. XI. History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850. Volumes III. and IV. By James Ford Rhodes. (New York, 1895-99: Harper Brothers.) Unfinished. This work is steadily taking the features of a classic. No writer of any period of our history combines so many gifts,--interest, weight, thoroughness, serenity. XII. the history of the last Quarter-Century in the United States (1870-95). Volume I. By Elisha Benjamin Andrews. (New York, 1896: Charles Scribner's Sons.) Entertaining, undigested, readable. A good cartoon of the period. XI
; and I had to make all the drawings: the barrack had to be planned and drawn in the short time allotted; and from two weeks from to-day until last Saturday night at twelve o'clock, I drew every day, morning, afternoon, and night, working Sundays, New-Year's day, and all. I had to make eight different drawings on the same large sheet, fifty-two inches by thirty-two, all drawn accurately to a scale, all the details, &c. painted: so, you may imagine, I had my hands full. In the winter of 1849-50, he prepared for tho use of the army a Manual of Bayonet Exercise, mostly taken from the French of Gomard. This was submitted by General Scott, the commander-in-chief, to the Secretary of War, in which he strongly recommended its being printed for distribution to the army, and that it should be made, by regulation, a part of the system of instruction. The recommendation was adopted by the War Department, and the manual was officially printed. It forms a small duodecimo volume of about a hun
ary, and two hundred and seventy-one Religious periodicals, mainly issued weekly, sufficiently attest that our progress had not been purely physical, but intellectual and moral as well. The temptation to increase these citations from the Census is one hard to resist. Yet any multiplication of details would tend rather to confuse than to deepen their impression on the mind of the general reader. Let it suffice, then, in conclusion, that the Real and Personal Estate of our people, which in 1850 was returned as of the aggregate value of a little over Seven Thousand Millions of dollars, was, in 1860, returned as worth over Sixteen Thousand Millions--an increase in ten years of more than one hundred and twenty-five per cent. It is quite probable that both these aggregates are largely under the truth; but, conceding their accuracy, it is perfectly safe to assume that Fifteen of the Sixteen Thousand Millions of property returned in 1860 had been created and thrift of our people during th
ress proceeded, soon after, to pass an act, apparently without much consideration or forecast, whereby the then existing laws of Maryland and Virginia were to continue in full force and effect over those portions of the Federal District ceded by them respectively, until Congress should otherwise enact; and, as those States were undoubtedly Slave States, their slave laws continued operative herein, with little or no modification or improvement, down to the passage of the Compromise measures of 1850. Very naturally, the creation out of nothing of such a city as Washington, with its adoption as the capital of the Republic, combined with its favorable location, served to render it an extensive mart for the prosecution of the domestic Slave-Trade. Some of the largest purchasers in Maryland and Virginia for the cotton and sugar region located themselves at this point, fitted up their slavepens, and advertised in the leading journals of the Capital their readiness to buy and sell young an
Xv. The Compromise of 1850. Gov. Seward James Brooks Gen. Taylor Henry Clay Jefferson Davis Webster's 7th of March speech the Texas job. Gen. Zachary Taylor was inaugurated as President on the 4th of March, 1849. He had received, as we have seen, both an electoral majority and a popular plurality, alike in the Free and in the Slave States, mainly by reason of his persistent and obstinate silence and reserve on the vexed question of Slavery in the Territories. He had written letters — not always wise nor judicious — during the canvass, mainly in its early stages; but they were not calculated, decisively, to alienate either the champions or the opponents of Slavery Restriction. It is among the traditions of the canvass that he, some time in 1848, received a letter from a planter running thus: Sir: I have worked hard and been frugal all my life, and the results of my industry have mainly taken the form of slaves, of whom I own about a hundred. Before I vote for
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