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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 11 (search)
lly reached St. Louis on the night of the 5th, and an arrangement was made to have it landed at Alton at three o'clock on the morning of the 7th. Meantime, Mr. Lovejoy and a friend went to the Mayor and notified him of its expected arrival, and of the threats that it should be destroyed, requesting the appointment of special constables to protect it. A meeting of the City Council was held, and some discussion had; but the subject was laid on the table and nothing done. On that evening (November 6), between forty and fifty citizens met in the warehouse of Godfrey, Gilman & Co., where the press was to be stored, to organize a volunteer company to aid in the defense of law and order. At ten o'clock, several left; but about thirty remained in the building, with one city constable to command them. They were armed. Mr. Lovejoy was not among them. His dwelling had been attacked but a few nights before, when he and a sister narrowly escaped a brick-bat, thrown with sufficient force to
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxv. Peace Democracy—peace Conference. (search)
00 of slaves, with their natural increase, walled in by Congressional prohibition, besieged and threatened by a party holding the seats of Federal power and patronage, that, according to the doctrine of the President elect, must arrest the further spread of Slavery, and place the institution itself where the public mind will rest satisfied in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction? This is the position I took, with 313,000 voters in the State of New York, on the 6th of November last. I shall not recede from it; having admitted that, in a certain contingency, the Slave States would have just and adequate causes for a separation. Now that the contingency has happened, I shall not withdraw that admission, because they have been unwise or unreasonable in the time, mode, and measure of redress. [Applause.] Aside from particular acts that do not admit of any justification, those who imagine that the Southern States do not well know what they are about, forge
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 26 (search)
he unrighteous character and deeds of the fanaticism which, lifted into power, may be guilty, as it is capable, of any atrocities. There is no Union spirit in the address, it is sectional and mischievous, and studiously withholds any sign of recognition of that equality of the States upon which the Union can alone be maintained. If it means what it says, it is the knell and requiem of the Union, and the death of hope.--Baltimore Sun. Mr. Lincoln stands to-day where he stood on the 6th of November last, on the Chicago Platform. He has not receded a single hair's breadth. He has appointed a Cabinet in which there is no slaveholder — a thing that has never before happened since the formation of the Government; and in which there are but two nominally Southern men, and both bitter Black Republicans of the radical dye. Let the Border States ignominiously submit to the Abolition rule of this Lincoln Administration, if they like; but don't let the miserable submidssionists pretend to
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 35 (search)
on, protected by similar demonstrations of Confederate strength at different points throughout the State, was greedily absorbing and annexing Kentucky, without encountering any forcible opposition from her loyal authorities. Requesting Gen. Smith, commanding the Union garrison at Paducah, to make a feint of attacking Columbus from the north-east, Gen. Grant, sending a small force of his own down the Kentucky side of the great river to Ellicott's Mills, twelve miles from Columbus, embarked (Nov. 6th) 2,850 men,mainly Illinoisans, upon four steamboats, convoyed by the gunboats Tyler and Lexington, and dropped down the river to Island No.1, eleven miles above Columbus, where they remained until 7 A. M. of the 7th, when they proceeded to Hunter's Point, some two to three miles above the ferry connecting Columbus with Belmont, where the whole array was debarked on the Missouri shore, formed in line of battle, and pushed forward as rapidly as possible, to overwhelm the somewhat inferior for
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II., chapter 4 (search)
ment of North Carolina, with a force barely sufficient to hold the important positions left him by Gen. Burnside, until late in the Autumn, when, having, been considerably reenforced by new regiments, mainly from Massachusetts, he resolved to assume the offensive. He led one expedition from Washington, Nov. 3. through Williamnston to Hamilton, on the Roanoke, where he expected to find and destroy some iron-clads in process of construction ; but there were none. Pushing thence inland, Nov. 6. in the direction of Tarboroa, he advanced to within ten miles of that place, expecting to surround and capture three Rebel regiments who had there been stationed; but by this time a far superior Rebel force had, by means of telegraphs and railroads, been concentrated at that point, and he wisely retreated without molestation or loss, other than that inflicted by the rain, sleet, and deep mud through which the retreat was effected. The liberation of several hundred slaves was the chief resu
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II., Xvii. Lee's army on free soil-gettysburg. (search)
where a spirited fight was maintained throughout the day, and till noon of the next; when Averill drew off, short of ammunition, leaving one disabled gun. He had calculated on help from Gen. Scammon, commanding on the Kanawha, which did not reach him. Our total loss here was 207; Patton reports his at 156, and says lie took 117 prisoners. He attempted to pursue with cavalry, but to little purpose. Averill returned to Huttonsville. Late in the Fall, Averill, starting from Beverly with some 5,000 men, and, chasing Col. Mudwall Jackson, struck Nov. 6. a somewhat smaller Rebel force under Gen. Echols, strongly posted on the top of Droop mountain, in Greenbrier county, routed him, and drove him back into Monroe comity, with heavy loss. Ours was 120 in all; the Rebels twice or thrice so many, including 100 prisoners, with 3 guns and 700 small arms. West Virginia was thus nearly cleared of armed Rebels at the close of the campaign; and they never after entered it but as raiders.
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II., Xviii. The Chattanooga campaign.—Middle and East Tennessee. (search)
s command, under Wilcox, at Greenville, with two regiments and a battery, under Col. Israel Garrard, 7th Ohio cavalry, at Rogersville, where they were attacked Nov. 6. by 1,200 mounted men under Brig.-Gen. W. E. Jones, acting under the orders of Maj.-Gen. Sam Jones, who struck them at day-light, surprising and easily routing thleft. He found himself so closely pressed, however, that he must either fight or sacrifice his trains; so he chose an advantageous position and suddenly faced Nov. 6. the foe: his batteries being all at hand, while those of his pursuers were behind; so that he had decidedly the advantage in the fighting till late in the aftern of the Chattanooga, while Geary and Cruft returned to their camps in Lookout valley. Granger's corps turned back from the battle-field to Chattanooga, Nov. 25-6. and was impelled directly thence to the relief of Knoxville — Sherman's corps likewise turning back Nov. 29. from Greysville, he assuming command also over Grang
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II., Xxx. Political Mutations and results.—the Presidential canvass of 1864.< (search)
But Sweet had mastered their secret, through the treachery of one or more who were trusted by the leaders, and had accumulated such an array of force that, when the time came for striking the blow, its failure was so plainly inevitable that a postponement was ordered. Weeks later, with larger means and a better organization, the conspirators had prepared for an outbreak on the day of the Presidential Election; but Sweet, fully apprised of their designs, pounced upon them on the night of Nov. 6, making prisoners of Col. G. St. Leger Grenfell, who had been John Morgan's Adjutant, Col. Vincent [brother of Gen. M. M.] Marmaduke, Capt. Cantrill, of Morgan's old command, and several Illinois traitors, thus completely crushing out the conspiracy, just as it was on the point of inaugurating civil war in the North. A strong Committee of one from each State, whereof Hon. James Guthrie, of Kentucky, was chairman, but C. L. Vallandigham, recently returned from Canada, a master-spirit, hav
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 146 (search)
nion man; others those of Mr. Douglas. In the South we know that there was no Republican ticket. I was a Union man then; I was a Union man in 1833; I am a Union man now. And what has transpired since the election in November last that has produced sufficient cause to break up this Government? The Senator from California enumerated the facts up to the 25th day of May, 1860, when there was a vote taken in this body for the protection of slave property in the Territories. Now, from the 6th of November up to the 20th of December, tell me what transpired of sufficient cause to break up this Government? Was there any innovation, was there any additional step taken in reference to the institution of slavery? If the candidate whose claims I advocated had been elected President — I speak of him as a candidate, of course not meaning to be personal — I do not believe this Government would have been broken up. If Stephen A. Douglas had been elected, I do not believe this Government would ha
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 128 (search)
in reference to the Maryland election. Headquarters, Baltimore, November 1, 1861. To the United States Marshal of Maryland and the Provost Marshal of the City of Baltimore: Information has come to my knowledge that certain individuals who formerly resided in this State, and are known to have been recently in Virginia bearing arms against the authority and the forces of the United States, have returned to their former homes with the intention of taking part in the election of the 6th of November inst., thus carrying out at the polls the treason they have committed in the field. There is reason also to believe that other individuals, lately residents of Maryland, who have been engaged in similar acts of hostility to the United States, or in actively aiding and abetting those in arms against the United States, are about to participate in the election for the same treacherous purpose, with the hope of carrying over the State by disloyal votes to the cause of rebellion and treas
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