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etic or practical objections may be justly made to the Compromise of 1850, there can be no doubt that it was accepted and ratified by a great he sum and substance, the being's end and aim, of the Compromises of 1850. And, as the Federal Administration, whereof Mr. Fillmore remained The activity and universality of slave-hunting, under the act of 1850, were most remarkable. That act became a law on the 18th of Septembmade manifest that a new article — acquiescence in the Compromise of 1850--was to be interpolated into the creed of one or both of these partived to insist on making the wisdom and finality of the Compromise of 1850 a plank in the Whig platform to be constructed by the Convention. Ts of acts of the XXXIst Congress known as the Compromise Measures of 1850--the act known as the Fugitive Slave law included — are received andnst Slavery agitation, and in favor of maintaining the Compromise of 1850. On the day before that of the choice of Presidential Electors by
phatic in his commendation of the Compromise of 1850, and in insisting that the rights of the South sectional strife, and the fearful struggle, of 1850. As Congress deemed it wise and prudent to ref it is apparent that the Compromise measures of 1850 affirm, and rest upon, the following propositioth the principles of the Compromise measures of 1850, and allow the people to do as they pleased uposince the inception of Mr. Clay's Compromise in 1850. Not one of them lived to hear that that ComprConstitution or superseded by the Compromise of 1850. No champion, no adversary, of this latter arr he did not now contend that the legislation of 1850 had even removed the obstacle to such establishriction of 1820 superseded by the Compromise of 1850, and been beaten by 30 Nays to 13 Yeas, Mr. Douerritories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850 (commonly called the Compromise measures), is h. That this was the basis of the Compromises of 1850, confirmed by both the Democratic and Whig part[6 more...]
Slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission. This was also adopted, as follows: Yeas 33--same as on the first resolve, less Brown, Mallory, and Pugh; Nays 12--Bingham, Chandler, Dixon, Foot, Foster, Hale, Pugh, Simmons, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, and Wilson. 0 7. Resolved, That the provision of the Constitution for the rendition of fugitives from service or labor, without the adoption of which the Union could not have been formed, and the laws of 1793 and 1850, which were enacted to secure its execution, and the main features of which, being similar, bear the impress of nearly seventy years of sanction by the highest judicial authority, should be honestly and faithfully observed and maintained by all who enjoy the benefit of our compact of union, and that all acts of individuals or of State Legislatures to defeat the purpose or nullify the requirements of that provision, and the laws made in pursuance of it, are hostile in character, subversive of
rn States shall, in his judgment, give satisfactory assurance or evidence of her determination to withdraw from the Union. In support of this proposition, Mr. Lesesne spoke ably and earnestly, but without effect. Cooperation had been tried in 1850-1, and had signally failed to achieve the darling purpose of a dissolution of the Union; so the rulers of Carolina opinion would have none of it in 1860. Still another effort was made in the House (November 7th), by Mr. Trenholm, of Charleston , and you are the man to act. I inclose some resolutions, which, or some similar to them, I should be happy to see adopted. H. Clay. To Gen. Leslie Combs. Mr. Stephens was, in his earlier years, an admirer and follower of Mr. Clay; but, since 1850, he had gone a roving after strange gods. He now said: Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union, I speak for one, though my views may not agree with them, whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause
ks of Pennsylvania shall be carefully searched at the approaching session of the Legislature, and that every statute, if any such there be, which, in the slightest degree, invades the constitutional rights of citizens of a sister State, will be at once repealed; and that Pennsylvania, ever loyal to the Union, and liberal in construing her obligations to it, will be faithful always in her obedience to its requirements. Resolved, 5. That we recognize the obligations of the act of Congress of 1850, commonly known as the Fugitive Slave Law, and submit cheerfully to its faithful enforcement; and that we point with pride and satisfaction to the recent conviction and punishment, in this city of Philadelphia, of those who had broken its provisions by aiding in the attempted rescue of a slave, as proof that Philadelphia is faithful in her obedience to the law; and furthermore, that we recommend to the Legislature of our own State the passage of a law which shall give compensation, in case of
irst. No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere, in any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to service or labor by the laws of such State. This was adopted by the following vote: Yeas--Messrs. Powell, Hunter, Crittenden, Seward, Douglas, Collamer, Wade, Bigler, Rice, Doolittle, and Grimes-11. Nays--Messrs. Davis and Toombs-2. Second, The Fugitive Slave law of 1850 shall be so amended as to secure to the alleged fugitive a trial by jury. This, having been amended, on motion of Mr. Douglas, so as to have the alleged fugitive sent for trial to the State from which he was charged with escaping, was voted down-all the Republicans and Mr. Crittenden sustaining it; all the rest opposing it. Mr. Seward December 26th. further proposed, and the Republicans sustained, the following : Resolved, That, under the fourth section of the fourth article of th
is, found in an out-house on a plantation between Jackson and Vicksburg. Several of these letters were given to the public by their captors, many of them bearing the signatures of Northern men of note, who have never denied their authenticity. These letters throw a clear light on the state of Southern opinion which induced the Secession movement of 1860-61, and are therefore essential contributions to the history of that period. As such, a portion of them will here be given. So early as 1850, James Buchanan (not yet President) wrote to Mr. Davis, complaining that the South was disposed to be too easily satisfied, with regard to her rights in the territories. In this private and confidential letter, dated Wheatland, March 16th, he says: So far from having in any degree recoiled from the Missouri Compromise, I have prepared a letter to sustain it, written with all the little ability of which I am master. You may ask, why has it not been published? The answer is very easy.
Clay, Henry, 18; President of the Colonization Society, 72; opposes the Missouri Restriction, 75; his injunction to the Missouri delegate, 80; 90; introduces his Compromise Tariff, 101; defends the Cherokees, 102; proposes Emancipation in Kentucky, 111; 148-9; is written to by Tyler in 1825, 154; 155; 15; his letter to The National Intelligencer, etc., 167; review of the Presidential canvass, 168; his instructions to Mr. Gallatin, 176; in the Whig Convention of 1848, 192; his Compromise of 1850, 203; replies to Jeff. Davis, 205; reports a bill organizing Utah, etc., 207; his Compromise measures adopted, 208; 222; Dixon's opinion of Clay's sentiments, 230-1; 265; favors the Panama Congress, 267; instructions to Minister Everett, 268; instructions to Messrs. Anderson and Sergeant, 269; letter to Leslie Combs, etc., 343-4; he likens the Union to a marriage, 857; allusion to, 399; 404; Pollard's estimate of Clay's influence, etc., 609-10. Clayton, John M., of Del., 190. Clemens, H
eas 34; Nays 4. The House concurred; July 7. and the bill became a law. July 11. The first proposition looking to a repeal of the Fugitive Slave act of 1850 by the XXXVIIth Congress was made Dec. 26, 1861. by Mr. Howe, of Wisconsin, to the Senate; whereby it was read twice, referred to the Judiciary Committee, and rlor. Mr. Wade promptly reported May 21. this bill; but it shared the fate of its predecessor. Mr. Wilson, of Mass., proposed May 24. to amend the bill of 1850 aforesaid, so as to secure to every one claimed as a fugitive slave a trial by jury; which, though once taken up June 10.--Yeas 25; Nays 10--failed to command tter the meeting of the next Congress, Mr. Stevens, of Pa., submitted Dec. 14, 1863. to the House a bill contemplating an absolute repeal, not only of the act of 1850, but also of the Fugitive Slave act of 1793. Messrs. Ashley, of Ohio, and Julian, of Ind., introduced bills of like tenor. Mr. Julian further proposed that the Ju
ech already referred to, of January, 1830, in almost every line of it, denounces the doctrine. Which of you has failed to read that speech, and to be convinced? It will remain forever a crushing answer to the heresy. And as it has ever since been, so it will ever continue to be, the brightest gem in the patriotic literature of the age. Secession — peaceable, constitutional secession — asserted even in the Senate Chamber on the authority of Daniel Webster! Hear what he thought of it. In 1850, as in 1830, the country was threatened with destruction. The error again ventured to show itself. Its disciples once more rallied to its support. Do you remember his 7th of March speech? Let me recall a part of its lofty eloquence and its more lofty patriotism: I hear, with pain and anguish and distress, the word secession, especially when it falls from the lips of those who are eminently patriotic, and known to the country and known all over the world for their political services.
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