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1880 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
and Cassius have an interview before the arrival of the Dictator; the subject of their conversation is the same; it is Cassius too who strikes so much show of fire (fait jaillir l'etincelle) from the soul of Brutus. . . . These characters are painted by Garnier in colours quite similar (to Shakespeare's), and he is momentarily as vigorous and great. In like manner. . . Caesar crosses the stage after the interview of the two conspirators; he is moreover accompanied by Antony.Étude sur Garnier, 1880. In the whole tone and direction of the dialogue, too, Shakespeare resembles Garnier and does not resemble Plutarch. The Life records one short sentence as Brutus' part of the colloquy, while Cassius does nothing more than explain the importance of the anonymous letters and set forth the expectations that Rome has formed of his friend. There is no denunciation in Plutarch of Caesar either for his overgrown power or for his feeble temper; there is no lament for the degeneracy of the Rom
1573 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
's paraphrase of his authorities is so diffuse that they are not always easy to trace. His apparent debts to Grévin may really be due to the later and much more famous French Senecan Garnier, two of whose works have an undoubted though not very conspicuous place in the history of the English Drama generally, and especially of the Roman Play in England. Cornélie, the earlier and less successful of the pair, written in Garnier's twenty-eighth year, was performed at the Hôtel de Bourgogne in 1573, and was published in 1574. The young author was not altogether unpractised in his art, for already in 1568 he had written a drama on the subject of Portia, but he has not yet advanced beyond his predecessors, and like them, or perhaps more obviously than they, is at the stage of regarding the tragedy only as an elegy mixed with rhetorical expositions. The episode that he selected lent itself to such treatment. Cornelia, the daughter of Metellus Scipio, had after the loss of her first
1574 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
ities is so diffuse that they are not always easy to trace. His apparent debts to Grévin may really be due to the later and much more famous French Senecan Garnier, two of whose works have an undoubted though not very conspicuous place in the history of the English Drama generally, and especially of the Roman Play in England. Cornélie, the earlier and less successful of the pair, written in Garnier's twenty-eighth year, was performed at the Hôtel de Bourgogne in 1573, and was published in 1574. The young author was not altogether unpractised in his art, for already in 1568 he had written a drama on the subject of Portia, but he has not yet advanced beyond his predecessors, and like them, or perhaps more obviously than they, is at the stage of regarding the tragedy only as an elegy mixed with rhetorical expositions. The episode that he selected lent itself to such treatment. Cornelia, the daughter of Metellus Scipio, had after the loss of her first husband, the younger Cass
1575 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
rvey of these will show how far the ground was prepared for Shakespeare by the traditions of this branch of the drama when he turned to cultivate it himself. 1. Appius and Virginia. The Translation of Octavia The crudest if not the earliest of the series is entitled A new Tragicall Comedie of Apius and Virginia, by R.B., initials which have been supposed with some probability to stand for Richard Bower, who was master of the Chapel Royal at Windsor in 1559. It was first printed in 1575, but must have been written some years before. A phrase it contains, perhaps a number will die of the sweat, has been thought to refer to the prevalence of the plague in 1563, and it may be identified with a play on the same subject that was acted at that time by the boys of Westminster. At any rate several expressions show beyond doubt that it was meant for representation, but only on the old-fashioned scaffold which was soon to be out-of-date. Its character and scope belong too, in part,
1578 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
imensions of the original whole, it is unquestionable that they owe their main suggestion and much of their matter to the Cornélie. Since then Garnier, when his powers were still immature, could so effectively adapt these incidental passages, it is not surprising that he should by and by be able to stand alone, and produce plays in which the central interest was more dramatic. Of these we are concerned only with Marc Antoine, which was acted with success at the Hôtel de Bourgogne in 1578, and was printed in the same year. In it Garnier has not altogether freed himself from his former faults. There are otiose personages who are introduced merely to supply general reflections: Diomedes, the secretary, on the pathos of Cleopatra's fall; Philostratus, the philosopher, on the overthrow of the Egyptian monarchy. There is no inter-action of character on character, all the protagonists being so carefully excluded from each other that Octavianus does not meet Antony, Antony does not m
1563 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
ginia. The Translation of Octavia The crudest if not the earliest of the series is entitled A new Tragicall Comedie of Apius and Virginia, by R.B., initials which have been supposed with some probability to stand for Richard Bower, who was master of the Chapel Royal at Windsor in 1559. It was first printed in 1575, but must have been written some years before. A phrase it contains, perhaps a number will die of the sweat, has been thought to refer to the prevalence of the plague in 1563, and it may be identified with a play on the same subject that was acted at that time by the boys of Westminster. At any rate several expressions show beyond doubt that it was meant for representation, but only on the old-fashioned scaffold which was soon to be out-of-date. Its character and scope belong too, in part, to a bygone age. The prologue proclaims its ethical intention with the utmost emphasis: You lordings all that present be, this Tragidie to heare Note well what zeale and lo
1872 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
z il n'y a point de foy. Cesar.En ceux qui vie et biens de ma bonté reçoivent? Antoine.Voire mais beaucoup plus à la Patrie ils doivent. Cesar.Pensent-ils que je sois ennemy du pais? Antoine.Mais cruel ravisseur de ses droits envahis. Cesar.J‘ay à Rome soumis tant de riches provinces. Antoine.Rome ne peut souffrir commandement de Princes. The scene with the conspirators Stirling treats very differently and much more freely. It had had, as Works of Sir William Alexander, Glasgow, 1872. Julius Caesar, II. i. we have seen, a peculiar history. In Muretus it was confined to Marcus Brutus and Cassius, in Grévin Decimus Brutus is added, in Garnier Decimus is retained and Marcus drops out. Alexander discriminates. He keeps one discussion for Marcus and Cassius, in so far restoring it to the original and more fitting form it had obtained from Muretus, though he transfers to Marcus some of the sentiments that Garnier had assigned to Decimus. But the half-apologetic role t
1568 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
révin may really be due to the later and much more famous French Senecan Garnier, two of whose works have an undoubted though not very conspicuous place in the history of the English Drama generally, and especially of the Roman Play in England. Cornélie, the earlier and less successful of the pair, written in Garnier's twenty-eighth year, was performed at the Hôtel de Bourgogne in 1573, and was published in 1574. The young author was not altogether unpractised in his art, for already in 1568 he had written a drama on the subject of Portia, but he has not yet advanced beyond his predecessors, and like them, or perhaps more obviously than they, is at the stage of regarding the tragedy only as an elegy mixed with rhetorical expositions. The episode that he selected lent itself to such treatment. Cornelia, the daughter of Metellus Scipio, had after the loss of her first husband, the younger Cassius, become the wife of Pompey the Great, of whose murder she was an eye-witness. M
1897 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
desire of Sidney's heart; and since it was composed in a foreign tongue, what could be more fitting than that Sidney's sister, the famous Countess of Pembroke, who shared so largely in Sidney's literary tastes and literary gifts, should undertake to give it an English form? It may have been on her part a pious offering to his manes, an in 1590, four years after her brother's death, her version was complete.There is an edition of this by Miss Alice Luce, Literarhistorische Forschungen, 1897, but I am told it is out of print, and at any rate I have been unable to procure it. The extracts I give are transcripts from the British Museum copy, which is indexed thus: Discourse of Life and Death written in French by P. Mornay. Antonius a tragedie, written also in French by R. Garnier. Both done in English by the Countesse of Pembroke, 1592. This edition has generally been overlooked by historians of the drama, from Professor Ward to Professor Schelling (probably because it is associa
1558 AD (search for this): part 2, chapter 1
bespeaks for her not only our sympathy but our admiration. It is just another aspect of this that Antony treats her death as the beginning of her punishment, but to her and her attendants and the women of Alexandria it is a desirable release. The recurrent theme of the chorus, varied to suit the complexion of the different acts, is always the same: Joye, qui dueil enfante Se meurdrist; puis la mort, Par la joye plaisante, Fait au deuil mesme tort. Half a dozen years later, in 1558, the Confrères de la Passion were acting a play which Muretus had more immediately prompted, and which did him greater credit. This was the Cesar of Jacques Grévin, a young Huguenot gentlemen who, at the age of twenty, recast in French the even more juvenile effort of the famous scholar, expanding it to twice the size, introducing new personages, giving the old ones more to do, and while borrowing largely in language and construction, shaping it to his own ends and making it much more dra
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