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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 259 259 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 44 44 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 27 27 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2 22 22 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 22 22 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 19 19 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1 17 17 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 16 16 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 11 11 Browse Search
James Parton, Horace Greeley, T. W. Higginson, J. S. C. Abbott, E. M. Hoppin, William Winter, Theodore Tilton, Fanny Fern, Grace Greenwood, Mrs. E. C. Stanton, Women of the age; being natives of the lives and deeds of the most prominent women of the present gentlemen 10 10 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1.. You can also browse the collection for 1833 AD or search for 1833 AD in all documents.

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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 1: the political Conventions in 1860. (search)
the Democratic party, which, as a Southern historian of the war says, had become demoralized on the Slavery question, and were unreliable and rotten, First Year of the War: by Edward A. Pollard. Richmond, 1862, page 28. because they held independent views on that great topic of national discussion. The paralysis or destruction of that party would give the Presidency to a Republican candidate, and then the conspirators would have a wished — for pretext for rebellion. When, in 1832 and 1833, Calhoun and his associates in South Carolina attempted to strike a deadly blow at our nationality, they made a protective tariff, which they called an oppression of the cotton-growing States, the pretext. In May, 1833, President Jackson, in a letter to the Rev. A. J. Crawford, of Georgia, after speaking of the trouble he had endured on account of the Nullifiers, said, The Tariff was only the pretext, and Disunion. and a Southern Confederacy the real object. The next pretext will be the Ne
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects. (search)
nti-republican condition for the favored few at the expense of the great mass of the people around them, which for a generation had appeared in the deportment, the public speeches, the legislation, and the literature of the oligarchy of South Carolina, we may look for a solution and explanation of that insanity which made them emulous of all others in the mad race toward destruction which their wicked revolt brought upon them. Ever since the failure of their crazy scheme of disunion in 1832-3, in which John C. Calhoun was the chief actor as well as instigator, the politicians of that State-survivors of that failure, and their children, trained to seditious acts — had been restive under the restraints of the National Constitution, and had been seeking an occasion to strike a deadly blow at the life of the Republic, either alone, or in concert with the politicians of other Slave-labor States. Strong efforts were made in that direction in 1850, when the National Congress mortally off
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 8: attitude of the Border Slave-labor States, and of the Free-labor States. (search)
o call the members together. To this refusal he added an appeal to the people, January 6, 1861. in the form of a protest against the attempt of demagogues to make Maryland subservient to South Carolina. We are told, he said, by the leading spirits of the South Carolina Convention, that neither the election of Mr. Lincoln, nor the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, nor both combined, constitute their grievances. They declare that the real cause of their discontent dates as far back as 1833. Maryland, and every other State in the Union, with a united voice, then declared the cause insufficient to justify the course of South Carolina. Can it be that this people, who then unanimously supported the course of General Jackson, will now yield their opinions at the bidding of modern secessionists? . . . The people of Maryland, if left to themselves, would decide, with scarcely an exception, that there is nothing in the present causes of complaint to justify immediate secession; and ye
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 10: Peace movements.--Convention of conspirators at Montgomery. (search)
ect their plans for securing success in the impending conflict. Henry A. Wise, a chief actor among the Virginia politicians at that time, had declared, as we have seen, two months before:--Our minds are made up. The South will not wait until the 4th of March. We will be well under arms before then. See page 43. John Tyler, one of the chief promoters of this Peace movement in Virginia, and President of the Convention, was an advocate of the treason of the South Carolina politicians in 1832-33, and is fully on record as a co-worker with Wise and others against the life of the Republic so early as 1856. This fact was established by letters found when our army moved up the Virginia Peninsula, in 1862. On the adjournment of the Peace Convention he hastened to Richmond, where he and Seddon (afterward the so-called Secretary of War of Jefferson Davis) were serenaded, and both made speeches. In his address at the close of the Convention he had just left, Tyler said:--I cannot but hope