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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. Search the whole document.

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La Salle, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
io Grande, but including no portion of the valley of either of those great rivers. Though the first European settlement on its soil appears to have been made by La Salle, a Frenchman, who landed in Matagorda Bay, and erected fort St. Louis on the Lavacca, prior to 1687, he is known to have intended to settle on the Mississippi, a since known as Texas was, even then, claimed by Spain as a part of Mexico; and a Spanish expedition under De Leon was dispatched to the Lavacca in 1689 to expel La Salle; but, on entering that river, learned that he had been assassinated by one of his followers, and his entire company dispersed. De Leon returned next year, and f that time, the Spanish claim to the country was never seriously disputed, though another French attempt to colonize it was made in 1714, and proved as futile as La Salle's. The cession of Louisiana by France to Spain in 1763, of course foreclosed all possibility of collision; and when Louisiana, having been retroceded by Spain to
Iowa (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
th has very peculiar interests to preserve, interests already violently assailed and boldly threatened. Your Committee are fully persuaded that this protection to her best interests will be afforded by the Annexation of Texas; an equipoise of influence in the halls of Congress will be secured, which will furnish us a permanent guarantee of protection. Mr. Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, of the same political school with Gilmer, in a speech in the House, January 26, 1842, said: True, if Iowa be added on the one side, Florida will be added on the other. But there the equation must stop. Let one more Northern State be admitted, and the equilibrium is gone — gone forever. The balance of interests is gone — the safeguard of American property — of the American Constitution — of the American Union, vanished into thin air. This must be the inevitable result, unless, by a treaty with Mexico, the South can add more weight to her end of the lever. Let the South stop at the Sabine, whil
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
eces, this side of it, and, of course, no part of New Mexico. Still, Mexico would not sell. Sam Houston, y claimed by Texas, including all that portion of New Mexico lying east of the Rio Grande, in these forcible there is the department, formerly the province, of New Mexico, lying on both sides of the river from its head-sing off he calls reannexation! Humboldt calls it New Mexico, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Nuevo Santander — now T the Mexican Republic by seizing her dominions in New Mexico, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas. The treatyon would do, a part of the Mexican departments of New Mexico, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas, would be anassachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Ohio, Kentuc two kindred propositions. Mr. Miller (Whig), of New Jersey, moved to strike out all after the enacting clause territory claimed by her north of that line was New Mexico, which had never been for a week under the flag o
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 12
s to be in possession of the territory. Great Britain has already made treaties with Texas; and n can resume Florida, France Louisiana, or Great Britain the thirteen colonies now comprising a part no portion of the same ought to be ceded to England or any other power; and that the reoccupation this continent. Mr. Calhoun assumed that Great Britain was intent on Abolition generally; that shtivation with profit in the possessions of Great Britain, by what she is pleased to call free laborzation. Such must be the result, should Great Britain succeed in accomplishing the constant objeSlavery. In our last treaty of peace with Great Britain, our commissioners at Ghent, acting under te, 28th January, 1814. had adroitly bound Great Britain to return to us such slaves as had escaped this treaty, after a tedious controversy, Great Britain--refusing, of course, to surrender personswn to a recent period, but to no purpose. Great Britain stubbornly refused either to unite with us[3 more...]
Williamsburg (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
ted for him also. If Mr. Tyler's past political course might, by a severe critic, have been judged unstable, and indicative rather of pervading personal aspirations than of profound political convictions, there was one grave topic — that of Slavery — on which not even the harshest judgment could pronounce him a waverer, or infirm of purpose. Born, reared, and living, in one of the most aristocratic counties of tidewater Virginia — that of Charles City, removing subsequently to that of Williamsburg — by no act, no vote, no speech, had he forfeited the confidence or incurred the distrust of the Slave Power; and his fidelity to its behests and presumed interests, was about to be conspicuously manifested. He soon contrived to quarrel immedicably with Mr. Clay, and with the great majority of those whose votes had elected him, by vetoing, first, a National Bank bill, passed by both Houses, while all the leading provisions were suggested by his Secretary of the Treasury; and then, Con
Raleigh (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
knowledged by Mexico, and her war with that country unconcluded. Mr. Clay set forth his view of the matter in a letter to The National Intelligencer, dated Raleigh, N. C., April 17, 1844 --three days earlier than the date of Mr. Van Buren's letter. Premising that he had believed and maintained that Texas was included in the Loelf of the present occasion to correct the erroneous interpretation of one or two of those which I had previously written. In April last, I addressed to you from Raleigh a letter in respect to the proposed treaty annexing Texas to the United States, and I have since addressed two letters to Alabama upon the same subject. Most unwnd a meaning attributed to me which I never entertained. I wish now distinctly to say, that there is not a feeling, a sentiment, or an opinion, expressed in my Raleigh letter to which I do not adhere. I am decidedly opposed to the immediate Annexation of Texas to the United States. I think it would be dishonorable, might invol
Mississippi (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
blic. Men were openly recruited throughout the valley of the lower Mississippi for her slender armies; while arms and munitions were supplieotes of Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana. He failed, however, to win the favor of Mr. Cal the publication of this letter, the Legislatures of Alabama, of Mississippi, and probably of other Southwestern States, were induced to takeurpose, the following extract from the report adopted by that of Mississippi will sufficiently indicate: But we hasten to suggest the impk that, during the last session of Congress, when a Senator from Mississippi proposed the acknowledgment of Texan independence, it was found, March, 1844, Mr. Wm. H. Hammet, Representative in Congress from Mississippi, and an unpledged delegate elect to the approaching Democratic N York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, and Arkansas-
Chihuahua (Chihuahua, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 12
all more or less populated and surrounded by flocks and fields. Then come the departments of Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas, without settlements on the left bank of the river, but occupying thartment of New Mexico, with its capital, becomes a territory of the United States; an angle of Chihuahua, at the Pass del Norte, famous for its wine, also becomes ours; a part of the department of Co He calls it Texas! and the cutting off he calls reannexation! Humboldt calls it New Mexico, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Nuevo Santander — now Tamaulipas; and the civilized world may qualify this reanands of all attempts to dismember the Mexican Republic by seizing her dominions in New Mexico, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas. The treaty, in all that relates to the boundary of the Rio Grande,ehending, as the said incorporation would do, a part of the Mexican departments of New Mexico, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas, would be an act of direct aggression on Mexico; for all the consequ
Pacific Ocean (search for this): chapter 12
quired, and the Sabine recognized as our western boundary, he says: My opinions of the inexpediency of the treaty of 1819 did not prevail. The country and Congress were satisfied with it; appropriations were made to carry it into effect; the line of the Sabine was recognized by us as our boundary, in negotiations both with Spain and Mexico, after Mexico became independent; and measures have been in actual progress to mark the line, from the Sabine to the Red river, and thence to the Pacific ocean. We have thus fairly alienated our title to Texas, by solemn National compacts, to the fulfillment of which we stand bound by good faith and National honor. It is, therefore, perfectly idle and ridiculous, if not dishonorable, to talk of resuming our title to Texas, as if we had never parted with it. We can no more do that than Spain can resume Florida, France Louisiana, or Great Britain the thirteen colonies now comprising a part of the United States. After glancing at the recent
Russia (Russia) (search for this): chapter 12
ay; and without causing any destruction struction or the carrying away of the artillery, or other public property originally captured in said forts or places, and which shall remain upon the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or any slaves, or other private property. And, under this treaty, after a tedious controversy, Great Britain--refusing, of course, to surrender persons who had fled from her enemies to her protection — was compelled, in 1818, on the award of Alexander I. of Russia to pay over to us no less than twelve hundred thousand dollars, to be divided among our bereft slaveholders. Before this sum was received (1826-7), our Government had made application to the British for a mutual stipulation, by treaty, to return fugitives from labor. But, though Great Britain, through her colonies, was then a slave-holding nation, she peremptorily declined the proposed reciprocity. The first application for such a nice arrangement was made by Mr. Gallatin, our Minister at
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