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ecklessly hewed down and cast into the fire. The frequent assertion then made was that all discrimination was unjust, and that the popular will should be left untrammeled in the formation of new states. This theory J. C. Calhoun was good enough in itself, and as an abstract proposition could not be gainsaid; its practical operation, however, has but poorly sustained the expectations of its advocates, as will be seen when we come to consider the events that occurred a few years later in Kansas and elsewhere. Retrospectively viewed under the mellowing light of time, and with the calm consideration we can usually give to the irremediable past, the compromise legislation of 1850 bears the impress of that sectional spirit so widely at variance with the general purposes of the Union, and so destructive of the harmony and mutual benefit which the Constitution was intended to secure. The refusal to divide the territory acquired from Mexico by an extension of the line of the Missouri
d Sharpe's rifles false Pretensions as to principle the strife in Kansas a retrospect the original equilibrium of power and its overthrow e to exciting debate after my return to the Senate. The celebrated Kansas-Nebraska bill had become a law during the administration of Pierce.newed discussion in the organization of territorial governments for Kansas and Nebraska. The Committees on Territories of the two houses agressing a body of those emigrants, charged them to carry with them to Kansas the Bible and Sharpe's rifles. The latter were of course to be levcendants, stronger than the law, fully sustained it. The climate of Kansas and Nebraska was altogether unsuited to the negro, and the soil wasrument, the compromise of 1820. The internecine war which raged in Kansas for several years was substituted for the promised peace under the to new countries. For the fratricide which dyed the virgin soil of Kansas with the blood of those who should have stood shoulder to shoulder
Chapter 6: Agitation continued political parties: their origin, changes, and modifications some account of the popular sovereignty, or non-intervention, theory rupture of the Democratic party the John Brown raid resolutions introduced by the author into the Senate on the relations of the States, the Federal Government, and the Territories: their discussion and adoption. The strife in Kansas and the agitation of the territorial question in Congress and throughout the country continued during nearly the whole of Buchanan's administration, finally culminating in a disruption of the Union. Meantime the changes or modifications which had occurred or were occurring in the great political parties were such as may require a word of explanation to the reader not already familiar with their history. The names adopted by political parties in the United States have not always been strictly significant of their principles. The old Federal party inclined to nationalism or c
ngness on the part of their associates of the opposition; he pressed the point that, as they had rejected every overture made by the friends of peace, it was now incumbent upon them to make a positive and affirmative declaration of their purpose. Seward of New York, as we have seen, was a member of that committee—the man who, in 1858, had announced the irrepressible conflict, and who, in the same year, speaking of and for abolitionism, had said: It has driven you back in California and in Kansas; it will invade your soil. He was to be the Secretary of State in the incoming administration, and was very generally regarded as the power behind the throne, greater than the throne itself. He was present in the Senate, but made no response to Douglas's demand for a declaration of policy. Meantime the efforts for an adjustment made in the House of Representatives had been equally fruitless. Conspicuous among these efforts had been the appointment of a committee of thirty-three members
ne hundred thousand dollars of which the Bank of Lexington had been robbed. General Price caused the money to be at once returned to the bank. After the first day of the siege of Lexington, General Price learned that Lane and Montgomery, from Kansas, with about four thousand men, and General Sturgis, with fifteen hundred cavalry, were on the north side of the Missouri River, advancing to reenforce the garrison at Lexington. At the same time, and from the same direction, Colonel Saunders, wi Colonel Saunders and hasten them forward. He joined them on the north bank of the river, and, after all but about five hundred had been ferried over, General Atchison still remaining with these, they were unexpectedly attacked by the force from Kansas. The ground was densely wooded, and partially covered with water. The Missourians, led and cheered by one they had so long and reservedly honored, met the assault with such determination, and fighting with the skill of woodsmen and hunters, tha
nited States (chiefly in answer to Fessenden of Maine, on the message of the President of the United States transmitting to Congress the Lecompton Constitution of Kansas), February 8, 1858: I wish to express not only my concurrence with the message of the President, but my hearty approbation of the high motive which actuated hat a subsequent period, the Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas], bound by his honor on account of his previous course, moved the repeal of that line to throw open Kansas; they must have stood with very bad grace, in this presence, to argue that that line was now sacred, and must be kept for ever. The Senator from Illinois stoodling in that, then become foremost in the advocacy of the doctrine of non-intervention; and upon that I say, he was in honor bound to wipe out that line and throw Kansas open, like any other Territory. But, sir, was it then understood by the Senator from Illinois, or anybody else, that throwing open the Territory of Kansas to fre
that fallacy exploded. It has been more speedily, and, to the country, more injuriously than I anticipated. In the mean time, what has been its operations? Let Kansas speak—the first great field on which the trial was made. What was then the consequence? The Federal Government withdrawing control, leaving the contending sections, excited to the highest point upon this question, each to send forth its army, Kansas became the battle-field, and Kansas the cry, which well nigh led to civil war. This was the first fruit. More deadly than the fatal upas, its effect was not limited to the mere spot of ground on which the dew fell from its leaves, but it sprKansas the cry, which well nigh led to civil war. This was the first fruit. More deadly than the fatal upas, its effect was not limited to the mere spot of ground on which the dew fell from its leaves, but it spread throughout the United States; it kindled all which had been collected for years of inflammable material. It was owing to the strength of our Government and the good sense of the quiet masses of the people that it did not wrap our country in one widespread conflagration. What right had Congress then, or what right has it no
ence with Davis, 307-09. Judiciary (Federal). Decision in Dred Scott case, 70-71. K Kane, George P., 290. Kansas, 12, 23, 24, 31. Settlement, 26, 27. Speech of Davis on President's message relative to Lecompton constitution, 465-69. Kansas-Nebraska bill, 23, 24-25, 33, 71. Terms, 25-26. Kearsarge (ship), 408. Keitt, Col. Lawrence M., 206. Kelley, General, 392. Kennedy, —, 292. Kenner, Duncan F. Extract from letter concerning Davis, 205. Kentucky, Lay, Colonel, 329. Col. John F., 305. Extracts from reminiscences of Bull Run, 329. Lecompton constitution of Kansas, 465. Lee, Henry (Light-Horse Harry), 147. Richard Henry, 104. Gen. Robert Edward, 294, 295, 320, 382, 389, 443. Rion, 1, 71. Moral considerations, 1, 3-4. Importation prohibited, 2-3. Abolition petition, 2, 29. Extension, 4, 5; to Kansas and Nebraska, 26. Occasion but not cause of conflict, 65-66. Summary up to 1860, 66. Under control of states, 67. Rec