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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing). Search the whole document.

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Greenville (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
quoted in the Atlanta Constitution, It is now generally admitted with us that there is no more danger to the body politic from an ignorant and vicious black voter than from an illiterate and vicious white voter. This system of false counting is not indulged in with impunity. Its baleful influence has nowhere more clearly shown itself than in its effects upon the sense of justice of Southern men. Where else on earth would you get such a declaration as came from John P. Finley, of Greenville, Miss., for twelve years treasurer of his county—a declaration made in the presence of his fellow-citizens—that he did not consider ballot-box stuffing a crime, but a necessity; that in a case of race supremacy a man who stuffed a ballotbox would not forfeit either his social or business standing; and that ballot-box stuffing, so far as he knew, was looked upon by the best element in the South as a choice between necessary evils? You would search far before you would find the parallel of wha
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
eal is founded on no fact whatever. When he goes to elect a member of Congress, the man from Mississippi or the man from Maine does not go to the polls as a citizen of Mississippi or of Maine, but as one of the people of the United States. All meeMaine, but as one of the people of the United States. All meet on common ground. They are citizens of one great republic—one and indivisible. Each one votes for the government of himself and of the other. The member from Mississippi whom the one elects and the member from Maine whom the other sends to WashMaine whom the other sends to Washington must unite in making the laws which govern both. The member from Mississippi has the same right to demand that the member from Maine shall be elected according to the law of the land as he has to demand the same thing of a colleague from hisMaine shall be elected according to the law of the land as he has to demand the same thing of a colleague from his own State. The object of assembling the Congress together is to declare the will of the people of the United States. How can that will be declared if there be more than twenty men returned to the House who never were elected, whose very presenc
New York (New York, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
d the votes which belong to it by virtue of the Constitution of the country. If you tell us that these are ignorant votes and ought not to be counted, we answer—and the answer is and that the Democratic party never conclusive—that ignorance is everywhere, failed to vote its ignorance to the uttermost verge of the law. Why should they, of all partisans, claim that only scholars should vote? Is the high and honorable esteem in which the chief officers of the greatest Democratic city—the city of New York—are now held among men an example of what intelligence will do for a community? If a man thinks the same thing of the republic that I do, must there be an inquest held over his intelligence before I can have his vote counted with mine in the government of the United States? Or, to put it more directly, in the language of ex-Governor Bullock, of Georgia, which is quoted in the Atlanta Constitution, It is now generally admitted with us that there is no more danger to the body politic
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
at only scholars should vote? Is the high and honorable esteem in which the chief officers of the greatest Democratic city—the city of New York—are now held among men an example of what intelligence will do for a community? If a man thinks the same thing of the republic that I do, must there be an inquest held over his intelligence before I can have his vote counted with mine in the government of the United States? Or, to put it more directly, in the language of ex-Governor Bullock, of Georgia, which is quoted in the Atlanta Constitution, It is now generally admitted with us that there is no more danger to the body politic from an ignorant and vicious black voter than from an illiterate and vicious white voter. This system of false counting is not indulged in with impunity. Its baleful influence has nowhere more clearly shown itself than in its effects upon the sense of justice of Southern men. Where else on earth would you get such a declaration as came from John P. Finley
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
in the fervid eloquence of the late Mr. Grady or in the strange language of the governor of South Carolina, which will be quoted further on, this is the justification. But this justification does e through the whole garden. While this state of things exists in Mississippi, a glance at South Carolina will give even more food for reflection. In that State, by law there was but one registrati vast chance there is for misbehavior, and it needs no specification to show how it works in South Carolina among that part of the population which has just struggled to manhood. But in order that theliminary statement the reader can enter into the grim humor of the reply of the governor of South Carolina, himself a candidate for re-election, when the Republicans asked that among the judges of el as was never dreamed at the outset, even by those who planned the first great wrongs. When South Carolina, by a gerrymander which remains up to date the greatest spectacle that has ever been put upo
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
Elections, federal control of. When the question of the federal control of elections was under discussion, the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, U. S. Senator from Massachusetts, wrote: No form of government can be based on systematic injustice; least of all a republic. All governments partake of the imperfections of human nature, and fall far short not only of the ideals dreamed of by good men, but even of the intentions of ordinary men. Nevertheless, if perfection be unattainable, it is still the duty of every nation to live up to the principles of simple justice, and at least follow the lights it can clearly see. Whatever may have been the intentions of our forefathers, the steady growth of our government has been towards a democracy of manhood. One by one the barriers which kept from the suffrage the poor and the unlearned have been swept away, and, in the long run, no majority has been great enough, no interest has known a refluent wave. What democracy been strong enough,
Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
ir possessions, you have not read history. It is not an agreeable thing in any day or generation to distribute power which any set of men have always had exclusively to themselves among those who never had it before. It lessens one and exalts the other. We of the North have by no means reached the perfection of self-government. Our apportionments of congressional districts are by no means utterly fair; but there is a limitation to injustice beyond which no party does to go, except in Indiana, where 4,000 majority in the State gives Republicans but three out of thirteen Congressmen. Our voters are not entirely free from undue influence, but there is a point beyond which no employer dares to go; and the votes in manufacturing districts show how sturdy is the defiance of most workingmen to even a dictation which is only inferred. Many a man seems to vote against his own and his employer's interest to show that he is in every way his own master. But whichever way he votes, his v
Austerlitz (Ohio, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
timidation barred at the polls from the free and full exercise of his suffrage. There is not only perfect freedom in voting, but the amplest protection afforded the voter. These words were in his letter of Sept. 29, 1888. On July 30 preceding, just two months before, that same governor said, in a public speech, which you will find in the Charleston News and courier of the 31st, the following: We have now the rule of a minority of 400,000 over a majority of 600,000. No army at Austerlitz or Waterloo or Gettysburg could ever be wielded like that mass of 600,000 people. The only thing which stands to-day between us and their rule is a flimsy statute—the eight-box law—which depends for its effectiveness upon the unity of the white people. Of course, the utterance of July 30 was for the home market, and the letter of September for export. But when you consider that both these statements were made to the same community, by the governor of the State, you can form some idea
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
he elections in the hands of the States, it proposes to set watchers over the State officials, and to use a kind of dual control liable to all manner of friction. Moreover, the exercise of this supervisory power is to be called into being by petition, thus singling out by their own signatures those persons who are responsible for the claim that the elections need supervision, and who thereby become obnoxious to the very violence which they are striving to avoid. In some States, like North Carolina and Virginia, a supervisor law would be very helpful; but there are States and communities with regard to which it is said that it would be assuming a terrible responsibility to enact it. Against such a law the South urges sectionalism and its interference with local self-government; for no supervision which does not examine all the boxes and count all the votes is worth the trouble of enacting. It is true that in New York City, under the able and thorough management of the chief superv
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): entry elections-federal-control-of
the success of the Southern plan elsewhere, even that district has been taken away. It is well known that in the South itself this was regarded as an outrage, but the voice of those so regarding it has fallen into the silence of consent. In Alabama the 4th district was so made that 27,000 colored men were packed in with 6,000 whites, and at every election the Democratic candidate is returned. So flagrant was one of the instances that the Forty-eighth Congress, Democratic by ninety-five ma to certification. We have, then, two kinds of remedy— the alteration of State regulations and the making of new ones of our own. As to the first method, so far as it was exhibited in the proposed Senate bill for supervision, the Senator from Alabama, Mr. Pugh, when the bill was presented in the Senate, rose and declared: If the bill becomes a law, its execution will insure the shedding of blood and the destruction of the peace and good order of this country. Its passage will be resis
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