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Doc (search for this): chapter 85
Doc. 81.--discourse of Wendell Phillips. Therefore, thus saith the Lord: Ye have not hearkened unto me in proclaiming liberty every one to his brother, and every man to his neighbor; behold, I proclaim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to the sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine.--Jer. XXXIV. 17. Many times this winter, here and elsewhere, I have counselled peace — urged, as well as I knew how, the expediency of acknowledging a Southern Confederacy, and the peaceful separation of these thirty-four States. One of the journals announces to you that I come here this morning to retract these opinions. No, not one of them [Applause.] I need them all — every word I have spoken this winter — every act of twenty-five years of my life, to make the welcome I give this war hearty and hot. Civil war is a momentous evil. It needs the soundest, most solemn justification. I rejoice before God to-day for every word that I have spoken counselling peace; and I rejoice with an esp<
Sumner (search for this): chapter 85
e thirteenth and fourteenth century — baron and serf — noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over the horizon, and the serf rising calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, the best light to guide the erring. There men are tortured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, the Barbarous States. Our struggle, therefore, is no struggle between different ideas, but between barbarism and civilization. Such can only be settled by arms. [Prolonged cheering.] The Government has waited until its best friends almost suspected its courage or its integrity; but the cannon shot against Fort Sumter has opened the only door out of this hour. There were but two. One was Compromise; the other was Battle. The integrity of the North closed the first; the generous for
J. M. Mason (search for this): chapter 85
de of the Constitution and out of it — before you can justify her in the face of the world; before you can pour Massachusetts like an avalanche through the streets of Baltimore, (great cheering,) and carry Lexington and the 19th of April south of Mason and Dixon's Line. (Renewed cheering.) Let us take an honest pride in the fact that our Sixth Regiment made a way for itself through Baltimore, and were the first to reach the threatened capital. In the war of opinions, Massachusetts has a rightde; the South has a right to model her Government; and the moment she will show us four millions of black votes thrown even against it, I will acknowledge the Declaration of Independence is complied with (Loud applause)--that the people, south of Mason and Dixon's line, have remodeled their government to suit themselves: and our function is only to recognize it. I say, the North had a right to assume this position. She did not. She had a right to ignore revolution until this condition was c
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 85
le to show that ‘89 meant Justice, and there is something better than life in such an hour as this. And, again, we must remember another thing — the complication of such a struggle as this. Bear with me a moment. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr, Adams said (substantially,) If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, i
Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 85
keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr, Adams said (substantially,) If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this beleaguered capital, is this besieged Government to see millions of its subjects in arms, and haves been on record, spoken by the lips of her most moderate, wisest, coolest, most patriotic son. (Applause.) When the South cannonaded Fort Sumter, the bones of Adams stirred in his coffin. (Cheers.) And you might have heard him, from that granite grave, at Quincy, proclaim to the nation, The hour has struck! Seize the thunder
Joshua Giddings (search for this): chapter 85
ent. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr, Adams said (substantially,) If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this beleaguered capital, is this besieged Government to see millions of its subjects in arms, and have no right to break the fetters which they are forging into swords? No; the war po
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 85
tchless ability, make it, in this tight, the white plume of Navarre, has again and again avowed its readiness to waive forms and go into convention. We have waited. We said, any thing for peace. We obeyed the magnanimous statesmanship of John Quincy Adams. Let me read you his advice, given at the Jubilee of the Constitution, to the New York Historical Society, in the year 1839, he says: Recognizing this right of the people of a State--mark you, not a State, the Constitution knows no States; the right of revolution knows no States; it knows only the people. Mr. Adams says: The people of each State in the Union have a right to secede from the Confederated Union itself. Thus stands the right. But the indissoluble link of union between the people of the several States of this Confederated Nation is, after all, not in the right, but in the heart. If the day should ever come (may Heaven avert it) when the affections of the people of these States shall be alienated from ea
Louis Napoleon (search for this): chapter 85
d stretch her imperial hand across the Atlantic, and lift, by one peaceful word, a million of slaves into Liberty. God granted that glory only to our mother-land. How did French Slavery go down? How did the French slave trade go down? When Napoleon came back from Elba, when his fate hung trembling in the balance, and he wished to gather around him the sympathies of the liberals of Europe, he no sooner set foot in the Tuileries than he signed the edict abolishing the slave trade against which the Abolitionists of England and France had protested for many years in vain. And the trade went down, because Napoleon felt that he must do something to gild the darkening hour of his second attempt to clutch the sceptre of France. How did the slave system go down? When, in 1848, the Provisional Government found itself in the Hotel de Ville, obliged to do something to draw to itself the sympathy and liberal feeling of the French nation, they signed an edict — it was the first from the ris
Thierry (search for this): chapter 85
t give weight enough to the fact we saw, that this nation is made up of different ages; not homogeneous, but a mixed mass of different centuries. The North thinks — can appreciate argument — it is the Nineteenth Century — hardly any struggle left in it but that between the working class and the money kings. The South dreams — it is the thirteenth and fourteenth century — baron and serf — noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over the horizon, and the serf rising calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, the best light to guide the erring. There men are tortured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, the Barbarous States. Our struggle, therefore, is no struggle between different ideas, but between barbarism and civilization. Such can only be
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 85
suit themselves: and our function is only to recognize it. I say, the North had a right to assume this position. She did not. She had a right to ignore revolution until this condition was complied with; and she did not. She waived it. In obedience to the advice of Madison, to the long history of her country's forbearance, to the magnanimity of nineteen States, she waited; she advised the Government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indicated that this would be the wise course. Mr. Seward hinted it in his speech, in New York. The London Times bade us remember the useless war of 1776, and take warning against resisting the principles of Popular Sovereignty. The Tribune, whose unflinching fidelity and matchless ability, make it, in this tight, the white plume of Navarre, has again and again avowed its readiness to waive forms and go into convention. We have waited. We said, any thing for peace. We obeyed the magnanimous statesmanship of John Quincy Adams. Let me read yo
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