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Browsing named entities in a specific section of William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune. Search the whole document.

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Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
Weed was ignorant of them until its publication, after Raymond, in a letter in the Times explaining Seward's defeat at Chicago in 1860, had hinted of it as supplying the motive for Greeley's opposition to Seward there. What Weed knew of the incid a delegate from his own State, but as the representative of an Oregon district that had asked him to serve. He went to Chicago declaring that his candidate was Edward Bates, of Missouri, a Virginian by birth, and a lifelong slaveholder! He was the was known to have been for more than twenty years his personal friend and political supporter .... Mr. Greeley was in Chicago several days before the meeting of the convention, and he devoted every hour of the interval to the most steady and relentents of Greeley's letter of November 11, 1854, to Seward were known to some of Seward's supporters who were working at Chicago, no use was made of this knowledge in quarters where it would have disarmed the deadly effect of his pretended friendshi
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
e restricted, not a good to be diffused. This conviction made him essentially a Republican; while I believed that he could poll votes in every slave State, and if elected, rally all that was left of the Whig party therein to resist secession and rebellion. In a statement published soon after the nomination of Lincoln, Greeley said that he had considered the nomination of Seward unadvisable and unsafe, but that Seward's defeat was due to the conviction of the delegates from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Indiana that he could not carry those States. Thereupon Henry J. Raymond wrote from Seward's home a letter to the New York Times in which he gave a different account of Greeley's action at the convention. The letter was a very bitter one, as a few extracts from it will show: The main work of the Chicago convention was the defeat of Governor Seward, ... and in that endeavor Mr. Greeley labored harder and did tenfold more than the whole family of Blairs, together with all the gu
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 9
tered between the two great parties, and were glad to occupy the attention of prominent men on either side with schemes whose only real object was some slight gain or questionable notoriety for themselves. Nicolay-Hay Lincoln, IX, p. 184. One of these adventurers who gained Greeley's ear was William Cornell Jewett, of Colorado, who had been an interminable epistolary adviser of the President. In July, 1864, he wrote Greeley from Niagara Falls that two Confederate ambassadors were then in Canada, with full and complete powers for a peace, and urging Greeley to go on at once for the purpose of a private interview, or to obtain the President's protection, that they might meet Greeley in the United States. This proposition so impressed Greeley that he wrote to the President, reminding him that our bleeding, bankrupt country also longs for peace; shudders at the prospect of fresh conscriptions, of further wholesale devastation, and of new rivers of blood, disapproving of the warlike
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
f State Printer; but Seward had been Governor and was a United States Senator; Greeley had helped elect scores of men to Cong Tuesday in February next (when Seward would be elected United States Senator). The letter, which was a long one, went over Ge acceptance of Douglas as the Republican candidate for United States Senator, and in a letter to a Chicago editor spoke of tid, and rapacious. When, in 1861, the nomination for United States Senator at Albany lay between Greeley and William M. Evident's protection, that they might meet Greeley in the United States. This proposition so impressed Greeley that he wroteent with the national integrity and honor, adding, with United States stocks worth but forty cents in gold per dollar, and drrity that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will be received and considered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial points, and the bearer or bearers thereof s
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
, and he first replied, expressing doubt whether the negotiators would open their budget to him. But very soon afterward he wrote Lincoln again, giving him in confidence the names of the Confederate agents (Clement C. Clay, of Alabama, and Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi), saying that he had reliable information of their authority and anxiety to confer with the President or such persons as he might authorize to treat with them, and urging prompt action, that it might do good in the coming North Carolina election. Greeley thus ignored the authority already given him to conduct the peace agents to Washington; but the patient Lincoln, in order to bring the matter to a head, sent Major John Hay (the present Secretary of State) to him with a letter expressing his disappointment that Greeley had not reached Washington with the Confederate commissioners, repeating the invitation to bring them, and concluding, I not only intend a sincere effort for peace, but intend that you shall be a person
Jefferson City (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
eats of secession on the part of the South, and by demands for concessions to the slave power by many interests-business and political — in the North. Greeley met this situation by taking the ground, in the Tribune of December 17, 1860, that, if the right of the colonists to rebel against Great Britain was justified by the consent of the governed clause of the Declaration of Independence, that clause would justify the secession of five million of Southrons from the Federal Union in 1861. Jefferson's principle might be pushed to extreme and baleful consequences ; but, while he would not uphold the secession of Governor's Island from New York, if seven or eight contiguous States should secede from the Union he would not think it right to stand up for coercion. If Mayor Fernando Wood had not had free trade in view, Greeley might have joined him in his suggestion to the Common Council of New York city on January 6, 1861, that, if the Union, which, he held, could not be constitutionall
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
e thing is over, I can say, I told you so. I don't believe the time ever has been (or soon will be) when, on a square issue, the Republicans could or can poll one hundred electoral votes. But let her drive. Weed's Autobiography, II, p. 255. Greeley attended the National Republican Convention of 1860 not as a delegate from his own State, but as the representative of an Oregon district that had asked him to serve. He went to Chicago declaring that his candidate was Edward Bates, of Missouri, a Virginian by birth, and a lifelong slaveholder! He was thoroughly conservative, Greeley afterward explained, and so held fast to the doctrine of our revolutionary sages, that slavery was an evil to be restricted, not a good to be diffused. This conviction made him essentially a Republican; while I believed that he could poll votes in every slave State, and if elected, rally all that was left of the Whig party therein to resist secession and rebellion. In a statement published soon aft
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
peace, embracing the restoration of the Union and the abandonment of slavery, whatever else it embraces, say to him that he may come to me with you, under a safe-conduct. This broad acceptance of any authorized peace agent, under Greeley's guidance, puzzled the editor, and he first replied, expressing doubt whether the negotiators would open their budget to him. But very soon afterward he wrote Lincoln again, giving him in confidence the names of the Confederate agents (Clement C. Clay, of Alabama, and Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi), saying that he had reliable information of their authority and anxiety to confer with the President or such persons as he might authorize to treat with them, and urging prompt action, that it might do good in the coming North Carolina election. Greeley thus ignored the authority already given him to conduct the peace agents to Washington; but the patient Lincoln, in order to bring the matter to a head, sent Major John Hay (the present Secretary of Stat
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
Greeley said that he had considered the nomination of Seward unadvisable and unsafe, but that Seward's defeat was due to the conviction of the delegates from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Indiana that he could not carry those States. Thereupon Henry J. Raymond wrote from Seward's home a letter to the New York Times in which he ved we shall be beaten out of sight next November. I firmly believe that, were the election to take place to-morrow, the Democratic majority in this State and Pennsylvania would amount to 100,000, and that we should lose Connecticut also. Pennsylvania gave Lincoln 20,075 majority the following November, Connecticut gave him 2,Pennsylvania gave Lincoln 20,075 majority the following November, Connecticut gave him 2,406, and New York gave Seymour only 6,749. Now, if the rebellion can be crushed before November, it will do to go on; if not, we are rushing on certain ruin. What, then, can I do in Washington? Your trusted advisers nearly all think I ought to go to Fort Lafayette for what I have done already. Seward wanted me sent there for
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
elect scores of men to Congress and to the Legislature, and in the opposition party in his own State he had seen Van Buren, Marcy, and Silas Wright honored with one important office after another. So he came to feel that he was left neglected in his editorial room, and in 1854 he approached Weed with the query whether the time and circumstances were not favorable for his nomination for Governor. The Tribune had for some years been advocating the adoption of the Maine prohibition law in New York State, As a city excise measure Greeley proposed in 1844 to abolish all license fees, and assess on the sellers of liquor, retail and wholesale, the carefully ascertained cost of the pauperism caused by rum. and Greeley was then classed among the ultra-prohibitionists. Weed's reply was that, although he was ready to admit that Greeley in the Tribune had educated the people up to the acceptance of his own temperance views for the State, the Weed men could not control the nomination, and th
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