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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.). Search the whole document.

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Thomas Paine (search for this): chapter 1.6
njoyment to lead to a jaundiced view of the Creator and His attributes. And so many creatures brought into existence according to a settled uniform course of nature, and with a variegated capacity for happiness, preclude the notion of an inscrutable or malevolent deity. Benevolence of the Deity, pp. 32, 53, 55, 61. This sort of argumentation reminds one of the discussion of Square and Thwackum on the eternal fitness of things. But with the exception of an occasional hack-writer like Thomas Paine, it was the method generally employed by scholars of the upper class. The method betrays a certain weakness in the middle of Chauncy's work, since it must have gone over the heads of men of the class reached by Whitefield, son of the innkeeper, or by Tennent, promoter of log-cabin learning. Such an optimistic purview, embracing earth, sun, and moon, dry land and water, became stale, flat and unprofitable. The argument that things as they are, including disease and death, disclose no
Richard Peters (search for this): chapter 1.6
ation. Life is a dream. All is from the immediate impressions of the Deity. Metaphysical distinctions which no men, and surely no boys, can understand . . . will do much to prevent the fixing of virtue on her true bottom. Letter to the Rev. Richard Peters, July 18, 1754, from the original in the Pennsylvania Historical Society. Letter to the Rev. Richard Peters, July 18, 1754, from the original in the Pennsylvania Historical Society. Such was the ironical fate that befell Johnson. the Rev. Richard Peters, July 18, 1754, from the original in the Pennsylvania Historical Society. Such was the ironical fate that befell Johnson. Though he had done good service against the enthusiasts, and had written the best ethical treatise of colonial times, he was nevertheless charged with being fantastical, and his work with undermining morality. A similar fate befell the last of our colonial thinkers, John Woolman (1720-1772), the Quaker, a sort of provincial Piers Plowman, whose visions of reform were far ahead of his day. In his Journal, the humble tailor of New Jersey takes up, in order, the evils of war and of lotteries,
Whitehall (search for this): chapter 1.6
the consequence of boundless power, though accompanied with universal benevolence, but not adequate wisdom, extending itself at will thro-cut the universe. Divine Goodness, p. 16. But the argument must not lead to the Calvinistic cul-de-sac, whereby there is no other end for punishment, on the part of the king of heaven, save his own glory. As Mayhew in his Discourse concerning unlimited submission and non-resistance to the higher powers (1750) had remonstrated against the orders from Whitehall, so here he remonstrates against the immutable decrees of the Westminster Confession. His reasoning leads to a literal reductio ad absurdum. Thoa God is, in the highest sense, an absolute sovereign; yet in that ill-sense, he is not certainly an arbitrary Being .... For what glory could possibly redound to any being acting unreasonably, or contrary to the dictates of true goodness? It is peculiarly absurd to suppose that He, who accounts goodness his glory, should aim at advancing i
George Berkeley (search for this): chapter 1.6
te of Yale College in 1714, a disciple of George Berkeley when he came to Rhode Island in 1729 and,ance between extremes. Like the Alciphron of Berkeley, to whom the Elements was dedicated, Johnson' and unaccountable enthusiasm, as he wrote to Berkeley, rages like an epidemical frenzy and, by divi use of the satirical paraphrase, he rendered Berkeley plausible by the glamour of his style. He wa against the doctrine of necessity. But when Berkeley himself came to America, the neophyte fell ince. The correspondence between Johnson and Berkeley was the most notable in the history of early It is a great literary loss that not all of Berkeley's letters have been recovered, for in them, aohnson's correspondence, then, one can gather Berkeley's own notions as to archetypes, ectypes, spacd not live to see it, but, as was remarked by Berkeley's son, this little book contained the wisdom ed the author to be very capable of spreading Berkeley's philosophy. The spreading of that system
Samuel Johnson (search for this): chapter 1.6
sure to browsing in forbidden fields. Before Johnson's graduation, some of the speculations and distem of divinity. It was characteristic of Johnson, brought up in the darkened chambers of Calvihe purpose of obtaining Episcopal ordination, Johnson had made a trip to England. There the young anquil vales of America. On his return home, Johnson found neither ease nor tranquillity. Coming against the Presbyterian Jonathan Dickinson, Johnson exhibits a lightness of touch which relieves letters have been recovered, for in them, as Johnson wrote, one can gather that Candour and Tendere immediate will of the Supreme Spirit. From Johnson's correspondence, then, one can gather Berkelem deemed impossible by most men of that day, Johnson's Elements was remarkable. The good bishop, Edwards that infants were like little vipers, Johnson asserted that we ought to think them of much y. Such was the ironical fate that befell Johnson. Though he had done good service against the[16 more...]
Locke (search for this): chapter 1.6
of his training in letters. Educated at New Haven at a time when the old lights framed the policy of the college, Johnson, as he says in his autobiography, after many scruples and an intolerable uneasiness of mind went over to that excellent church, the Church of England. This change, which necessitated a public disavowal of his former faith, was due in large measure to browsing in forbidden fields. Before Johnson's graduation, some of the speculations and discoveries of Descartes, Boyle, Locke, and Newton had been heard in the Connecticut colony. But the young men were cautioned against these authors, as well as against a new philosophy which was attracting attention in England. The reason given was that the new thought would corrupt the pure religion of the country and bring in another system of divinity. It was characteristic of Johnson, brought up in the darkened chambers of Calvinism, to attempt to obtain a glimpse into the brighter world outside. He had partially done
Benjamin Franklin (search for this): chapter 1.6
enevolent temper, and he appears one of the most attractive of the colonial thinkers. His education in Connecticut, his trip to England, his friendship with Benjamin Franklin, were all part and parcel of his training in letters. Educated at New Haven at a time when the old lights framed the policy of the college, Johnson, as he solonies and the mother country. Indeed, in both places immaterialism found the times out of joint. From Philadelphia, then the literary centre of the country, Franklin, the printer of the book, wrote that those parts of the Elements of philosophy that savoured of what is called Berkeleianism are not well understood here. And i fountain of all light ran counter to the common sense of the day. Thus William Smith, provost of the College of Philadelphia, who held the place once offered by Franklin to Johnson, argues against these very issues as presented in the Elements. Our author, he explains, from a sincere zeal to vindicate the rights of the Deity, and
Jonathan Edwards (search for this): chapter 1.6
n leading the assault upon embattled tradition. When Jonathan Edwards, in 1734, complained of the great noise in this part cy and convert him into a mere machine. This explains why Edwards threw up as a counterscarp his massive work upon the freedter the religious revival and the great awakening of 1734, Edwards the logician became, in a measure, Edwards the enthusiast.Edwards the enthusiast. But calling in the aid of evangelists like George Whitefield carried sensibility beyond the limits of sense. To argue agaisk of being carried away in a flood of feeling. So while Edwards warmed up his system by his writings on the Religious affelater writers-and the remark is evidently directed against Edwards-might make the infinitely benevolent God, the grand and onre be contrasted with the rigid Calvinist of Connecticut. Edwards, in his dreadful Enfield sermon, implied that the majority children. In contrast to such an opinion as that of Jonathan Edwards that infants were like little vipers, Johnson asserte
Ralph Waldo Emerson (search for this): chapter 1.6
diate will of the Supreme Spirit. From Johnson's correspondence, then, one can gather Berkeley's own notions as to archetypes, ectypes, space, spirits and substance. The fragments throw a flood of light upon subjects of high interest to the metaphysician, but the effect upon the mind of the disciple was more important, for through such veritable Berkeleian handbooks as were Johnson's, the seeds of idealism attained a lodgment in the American mind. Fruition did not occur until the time of Emerson, but for sheer literary skill in the presentment of a system deemed impossible by most men of that day, Johnson's Elements was remarkable. The good bishop, to whom the volume was dedicated, did not live to see it, but, as was remarked by Berkeley's son, this little book contained the wisdom of the ages and showed the author to be very capable of spreading Berkeley's philosophy. The spreading of that system, however, was checked by untoward circumstances. When a French critic observed t
Divine Goodness (search for this): chapter 1.6
be the consequence of boundless power, though accompanied with universal benevolence, but not adequate wisdom, extending itself at will thro-cut the universe. Divine Goodness, p. 16. But the argument must not lead to the Calvinistic cul-de-sac, whereby there is no other end for punishment, on the part of the king of heaven, savy to the dictates of true goodness? It is peculiarly absurd to suppose that He, who accounts goodness his glory, should aim at advancing it by such a conduct.Divine Goodness,, p. 26. With the same caustic irony with which he had flavoured his celebrated Reflections on the resistance made to King Charles I, Mayhew seeks to provon good. Contrariwise, punitive justice may be a branch of goodness, but how far from goodness it would be to condemn the bulk of mankind to eternal misery. Divine Goodness, p. 38. The amiable heretic of Massachusetts may here be contrasted with the rigid Calvinist of Connecticut. Edwards, in his dreadful Enfield sermon, imp
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