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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 8 (search)
ame conditions? What new guaranties does he propose to prevent the voyage from being again turned into a piratical slave-trading cruise? None! Have sixty years taught us nothing? In 1660, the English thought, in recalling Charles II., that the memory of that scaffold which had once darkened the windows of Whitehall would be guaranty enough for his good behavior. But, spite of the spectre, Charles II. repeated Charles I., and James outdid him. Wiser by this experience, when the nation, in 1689, got another chance, they trusted to no guaranties, but so arranged the very elements of their government that William III. could not repeat Charles I. Let us profit by the lesson. These mistakes of leading men merit constant attention. Such remarks as those I have quoted, uttered from the high places of political life, however carefully guarded, have a sad influence on the rank and file of the party. The antislavery awakening has cost too many years and too much labor to risk letting its
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 9 (search)
ere appointed by the king, and held their offices as long and on such conditions as he pleased to prescribe. Some held as long as they behaved well,--during good behavior, as our Constitution translates the old law Latin, quamdiu se bene gesserint; others held during the pleasure of the king,--durante bene placito, as the phrase is. This, of course, made the judges entirely the creatures of the king. To prevent this, and secure the independence of the judges, after the English Revolution of 1689, it was fixed by the Act of Settlement, as it is called, that the king should not have the power to remove judges, but that they should hold their offices during good behavior. They were still, however, removable by the king, on address from both Houses of Parliament. Hallam, in his Constitutional History, states very tersely the exact state of the English law, and it is precisely the law of this Commonwealth also, in these words: No judge can be dismissed from office except in consequenc
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
r. Richard H. Dana, Jr., as example, a name historic for generations, a scholar of world-wide fame. He finds in the Constitution the duty of returning fugitive slaves, all alike, the old and the ignorant, the young and the beautiful, to be surrendered to the master, whether he be man or brute. Mr. Dana avows his full readiness to perform this legal duty. All honor at least to the shameless effrontery with which he avows his willingness. i lost of our public men, like the English Tories of 1689, are ashamed to name what they are not ashamed to do. He paints the hell of slavery in words that make the blood cold, and then boasts, this Massachusetts scholar,gentleman, his friends would call him,--boasts that no man can charge him with having ever said one word against the surrender of fugitive slaves! Counsel in all the Boston slave-cases, he never suffered himself to utter one word which any poor fugitive negro, or any friend of his, could construe into an assertion that a fugitive