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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
tis's, Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. In this new direction he did not stop with the territorial question, but joined the Southern party on another measure, hitherto a subordinate subject among their grievances, and volunteered his support of Mason's fugitive-slave bill, with all its provisions, to the fullest extent. As the speech was first published, he pledged himself to support the bill with Butler's amendment; but in a revision the relative pronoun which was transferred so that he abster's Works, vol. II. pp. 560, 577, 578. He spoke of the city of Syracuse as that laboratory of abolitionism, libel, and treason. Wilson's Rise and Fall, vol. II. p. 361. In the Senate he paused in his argument to pay compliments to Calhoun, Mason, and the Nashville convention,— a body whose disunion purpose was already understood by men less intelligent than himself Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 336, 337, 363. In a later speech he was obliged to admit the disunion character of the conv
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
ginia and South Carolina. Butler's seat was immediately before Sumner's, and Mason's immediately behind Chase's. The line of division as to politics between the tFoote, Dawson, and Shields—congratulated their new associate on his speech; and Mason shortly after, pulling his chair near to Sumner's, drew him into a talk on natiavowed,—Mason of Virginia saying to him personally that he should not speak; Mason said to him, you may speak next term. Sumner replied, I must speak this term. Mason said, , By—you sha'n't; and Sumner replied, I will; and you can't prevent me. Sumner feared after this colloquy that Mason would delay the appropriation billMason would delay the appropriation bill till the last day of the session. Bradbury of Maine, a Democrat, went to Sumner and asked him to print his speech without delivering it. Schoolcraft, the manager o take up, though Mr. Keyes Editor of the Roxbury Gazette. says otherwise. Mr. Mason says I shall not speak this session,— that he will prevent me. I have told h
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
, and Stockton; Sumner did not speak. He wrote later to Mr. Bigelow: The brave Southern voices failed on the Webster day. Badger skulked in the lobby; Clemens and Mason were both silent. The South would never give him their votes,—look for their voices. To-day has exposed the pettiness of the old parties in excluding Hale, Chase,ters for the Washington Union have all read it; and Pryor, Roger A. Pryor. the young Virginian who has been placed in the establishment as the representative of Mason, Hunter, and Meade, read it through twice and then announced to his friends that there was but one course for them,—namely, to maintain that slavery is an unmixed t in unison with my present position. On the floor of the Senate I sit between Mr. Butler of South Carolina, the early suggester of the Fugitive Slave bill, and Mr. Mason of Virginia, its final author, with both of whom I have constant and cordial intercourse. This experience would teach me, if I needed the lesson, to shun harsh
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
f the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sh of the Abolition confederates in the Senate. Mason and Butler upbraided the remonstrants for usur graces. Perhaps the senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason], who finds no sanction under the Constitutifully I welcome the promise of the future. Mason followed with an objection to the reception ofly related to this body. But enough of this. Mason followed, and spoke with the overbearing tone expulsion; and what the latter as well as what Mason said in debate indicates that this measure wase,—I mean the veteran senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason], who is now directly in my eye. With an impnt Jackson and James Buchanan, and turning to Mason and Butler, asked them if they dissented from espect in putting his opinion and word against Mason's, his rebuke of insolence by fitting retort aour placing your own character against that of Mason. It was telling, spirited, and at the same ti[2 more.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
be named,—I mean the senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason], who, as author of the Fugitive Slave bill,action for a public outrage on his character. Mason came next with a bitter speech, scowling as heuse, however, who was present when Douglas and Mason were speaking on Tuesday, was led to believe fons to violence when he replied effectually to Mason and Butler. Works, vol. III. pp. 348, 349, made. Seward accepted an amendment, moved by Mason, that the committee be elected by the Senate i to have been inspired by Weller, Douglas, and Mason. J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, May 26; ogized for Brook, s act. (Globe, App. p. 665.) Mason contemplated a motion to rescind the Senate's t Sumner on his guard. Around him were Butler, Mason, and other Southern friends. The judge, Crawfhim. New York Tribune, July 15. Butler and Mason sat near him while he was speaking. The nepunishment for words spoken against Butler. Mason in his letter barely mentioned the assumed per[1 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 41: search for health.—journey to Europe.—continued disability.—1857-1858. (search)
tions and atrocities in order to plant slavery in Kansas have all received his sanction. Indeed, I doubt if history can record any acts of meaner tyranny. He thinks that the Kansas question is now settled; but it is only postponed. Meanwhile Mr. Mason John Y. Mason, of Virginia, United States minister. writes from Paris that the opposition to slavery from France and England is dying away. This is curious, while Russia is just beginning her great act of emancipation. At present all our mJohn Y. Mason, of Virginia, United States minister. writes from Paris that the opposition to slavery from France and England is dying away. This is curious, while Russia is just beginning her great act of emancipation. At present all our ministers in Europe are creatures of slavery, and think only how they can serve its purposes. Of course, they belong to an inferior class of public men. I am grateful that your interest in my country does not abate, and that you so often say a kind word for us. Be assured that many of those things by which we are degraded are caused by slavery, even in States where slavery does not exist. This has demoralized our government, and introduced everywhere the vulgar principle of force, which, as
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 14 (search)
was an exquisite engraving. Poor Italy! I know not how its fate is to be spun. God give to it independence! My heart is there. I envy you much all the joys of Rome; and yet, pardon me, I feel keenly the risks you run,—（1) a fitful climate, with imperfect provision against cold: but of this I have no winter experience personally; (2) the excitement of seeing and enjoying, which I fear will be inconsistent with that repose which is so necessary to an invalid. Think of these things. Mason will not be regretted at the Tuileries, so I learn, for his habits were too disgusting. ... How painful is much of the news from home! Violence, vulgarity, degrading practices and sentiments,—these come on every wind. But surely there must be a change. I hear of Hillard here, but see him not. God bless you! On his way from Paris, Sumner stopped at Amiens to see the cathedral; and passing the night in Lille was in London October 10, where he took lodgings again at Maurigy's, Regent St<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
South, see speeches of Miles in the House, Jan. 6, 1860; Van Wyck, March 7; and Mason in the Senate, March 1. Von Hoist, vol. VII. pp. 111-114, 366 note. Nicolay athe first, with Seward as his only Republican associate; the other members were Mason, Douglas, Slidell, Polk, and Crittenden, with only the last of whom had he any South, see speeches of Miles in the House, Jan. 6, 1860; Van Wyck, March 7; and Mason in the Senate, March 1. Von Hoist, vol. VII. pp. 111-114, 366 note. Nicolay augh tempted by the ever-recurring discussions on slavery. The investigation by Mason's committee of John Brown's invasion of Virginia drew him into debate March 12,g the Hyatt and Sanborn cases he showed his readiness to meet old antagonists. Mason, with characteristic assumption, took exception to his language as unusual in cbers of Congress during the session,—like Hammond of South Carolina, Hunter and Mason of Virginia, Brown and Jefferson Davis of Mississippi,—who had not hesitated to