hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
France (France) 418 0 Browse Search
New England (United States) 218 0 Browse Search
Canada (Canada) 196 0 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 162 0 Browse Search
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) 108 0 Browse Search
Quebec (Canada) 106 0 Browse Search
Georgia (Georgia, United States) 104 0 Browse Search
Carolina City (North Carolina, United States) 101 1 Browse Search
La Salle, Ill. (Illinois, United States) 90 0 Browse Search
C. Mather 88 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition.. Search the whole document.

Found 1,514 total hits in 340 results.

... 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 ...
John White (search for this): chapter 1
letcher, made by virtue of Mr. Penn's charter, be of force to you, and can be brought into competition with the great seal which commands me hither, I have no business here; and he pleaded the royal prerogative as inalienable. The grant of King Charles, replied Joseph Growdon, the speaker, is itself under the great seal. Is that charter in a lawful way at an end? To reconcile the difference, Fletcher proposed to reenact the greater number of the former laws. We are but poor men, said John White, and of inferior May 21. degree, and represent the people. This is our difficulty; we durst not begin to pass one bill to be enacted of our former laws, least by soe doing we declare the rest void. The royalists next started a technical objection: Chap. XIX.} the old laws are invalid because they do not bear the great seal of the proprietary. We know the laws to 1693. May 25. be our laws, it was answered; and we are in the enjoyment of them; the sealing does not make the law, but t
Thomas Smith (search for this): chapter 1
obility, by the exclusive consent of the commons. The wise, Statutes at large, II. 38, 39. moderate, and well-living Thomas Smith, who had advised martial law, and those who had established it, were disfranchised for two years. Methods of colonial ciques, the nobility of the Carolina statute-book, were doomed to pass away On the abrogation of the constitutions, Thomas Smith was by the proprietaries appointed governor. The system of biennial assemblies, which, with slight changes, still endures, was immediately instituted by the people; but, as the political opinions of Smith Chap. XIX.} were at variance with those of the majority, his personal virtues could not conciliate for him confidence. 1693. Despairing of success, he proposein land, who, as a body, had gain, and not freedom, for their end. In April, 1688, the proprietors of East New Jersey Smith, 568, 211. had surrendered their pretended right of government, and the surrender had been accepted. In October of the s
r private fortunes in reducing their insurgent liegemen; the colonial oligarchy, which they favored, was too feeble a minority to conduct the government; and the people were forbidden by law to Chap XIX.} take care of themselves. To this were added the evils of an uncertain boundary on the south, and of disordered finances. All the acts of the democratic legislature were 1692 rejected by the proprietaries; while, as a remedy for Hewatt anarchy, Philip Ludwell, a moderate adherent of Martin, i. 194. Berkeley, once collector of customs in Virginia, a man Ms of a candid mind, a complainant in England against Effingham, and since 1689 governor of North Carolina, was sent to establish order and the supremacy of the proprietaries. But he had power to inquire into grievances, not to redress them. Disputes respecting quitrents and the tenure of lands continued; and, after floating for a year between the wishes of his employers and the necessities of the colonists, Ludwell gladly wi
Fitz John (search for this): chapter 1
labor, and upheld equality: the people were the sources of all power. The English crown would willingly have resumed, at least, the command of the militia, which, after having been, at one time, assigned to the governor of Massachusetts, by whom it was never challenged, was claimed as a part of the royal prerogative, and conferred 1692 on the governor of New York. The legislature resisted, and referred the question to the people, who resolved on a petition to the king, by the hands of Fitz John 1693 Sept. Winthrop. To give the command of the militia, it was said, to the governor of another colony, is, in effect, to put our persons, interests, and liberties entirely into his power: by our charter, the governor and company themselves have a commission of command. Meantime, Fletcher, refusing to await the decision 1693 Oct. 26. in England, appeared in Hartford, and, after fruitless negotiation, ordered its militia under arms, that he might beat up for volunteers for the war.
l more revolutionary was the political theory developed by the revolution. The old idea of a Christian monarchy resting on the law of God was exploded, and political power sought its origin in compact. Absolute monarchy was denied to be a form Hallam, IV. 374. of civil government. Nothing, it was held, can bind freemen to obey any government save their own agreement. Political power is a trust; and a breach of the trust dissolves the obligation to allegiance. The supreme power is the legis lies the democratic character of the revolution. Its authors had carefully sought to reconcile the new with the old, had been unwilling to agitate the public mind, had avoided glaring reforms. In the revolution of 1688, there was certainly no Hallam, IV. 381. appeal to the people. In the contest between the nation and the throne, the aristocracy constituted itself the mediating lawgiver, and made privilege the bulwark of the commons against despotism. The free press carried political discu
Thomas Bray (search for this): chapter 1
igion of state, earnestly advanced 1694 to 1698 by the boastful eagerness of Francis Nicholson, who passed from Virginia to the government of Maryland, and by the patient, the disinterested, but unhappily too exclusive earnestness of the commissary Thomas Bray, became the settled policy of the government. The first act, as it had contained a clause giving validity in 1692 the colony to the Great Charter of England, was not accepted by the crown. Again, in 1696, the inviolable claim of the colony to English rights and liberties was engrafted by the assembly on the act of establishment; and this also was disallowed. In 1700, the presence Chap. XIX.} and personal virtues of Bray, who saw Christianity only in the English Church, obtained by unanimity a law commanding conformity in every place of public worship. Once more the act was rejected in England from regard to the rights of Protestant dissenters; and when, at last, Episcopacy was established by 1702. the colonial legislatur
Blackwell (search for this): chapter 1
wolfs head continued to be offered, the roads to the 1715. capital were long marked by notches on trees, and water-mills still solicited legislative encouragement. Such was Maryland as a royal province. In 1715, the authority of the infant proprietary was vindicated in the person of his guardian. More happy than Lord Baltimore, the proprietary of Pennsylvania recovered his authority without surrendering his principles. Accepting the resignation of the narrow and imperious but honest Blackwell, who, at the period of the revolution, acted as his deputy, the Quaker chief desired to settle the government in a condition to please the generality, to let them be the choosers.—Friends,—such was his message, —I heartily wish you all well, and beseech God to guide you in the ways of righteousness and peace. I have thought fit, upon my further stop in these parts, Chap. XIX.} to throw all into your hands, that you may see the confidence I have in you, and the desire I have to give Min<
le, Chap XIX.} without molestation, enjoyed their wild independence. It was the liberty of freemen in the woods. North Carolina, like ancient Rome, was famed as the sanctuary of runaways; seventy years after Spotswood, Ms. its origin, Spotswood describes it as a country where there's scarce any form of government; and it long continued to be said, with but slight exaggeration, that in Carolina, every one did what was right in Bland, Ms. his own eyes, paying tribute neither to God nor to Caesar. In such a country, which was almost an utter stranger to any public worship, among a people made up of Presbyterians and Independents, of Lutherans and Quakers, of men who drew their politics, their faith, and their law from the light of nature,—where, ac- Spotswood, Ms. cording to the royalists, the majority were Quakers, atheists, deists, and other evil-disposed persons,—the pious zeal or the bigotry of the proprietaries, selecting Robert Daniel, the deputy-governor, as the fit instru
r Treat having resumed his office, the as- 1689. May 9. sembly, which soon convened, obeying the declared opinion of the freemen, organized the government according to their charter. On the joyful news of the accession of William and May 26. Mary, every fear vanished, every countenance brightened with joy. Great was that day, said the loyal address of Connecticut to King William, when the June 13. Lord, who sitteth upon the floods, did divide his and your adversaries like the waters of Jordan, and did begin to magnify you like Joshua, by the deliverance of the English dominions from Popery and slavery. Because the Lord loved Israel forever, therefore hath he made you king, to do justice and judgment. And, describing their acquiescence in the rule of Andros as an involuntary submission to an arbitrary power, they announce that, by the consent of the major part of the freemen, they have themselves resumed the Trumbull, i. 539. government. In prosecuting its claim in London, W
ithout the queen's license. Thus the bounty of the English parliament was blended with ??? Anne, XVII monopoly, while the colonists were constantly invited to cease the manufacture of wool, and produce naval Chap. XIX.} stores. In Virginia, the poverty of the people compelled them to attempt coarse manufactures, or to go unclad; yet Nicholson, the royal governor, calmly advised that parliament should forbid the Virginians to make their own clothing. Spotswood repeats the complaint— Beverley, 92. The people, more of necessity than of inclination, attempt to clothe themselves with their own manufactures; adding that it is certainly necessary to divert their application to some commodity less prejudicial to the trade of Great Britain. The charter colonies are 1701. reproached by the lords of trade, with promoting and Journals of Commons, 448, 479. propagating woollen and other manufactures proper to England. The English need not fear to conquer Canada;—such was the reasoning
... 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 ...