hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 28 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 6 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 20. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. You can also browse the collection for British Americans or search for British Americans in all documents.

Your search returned 14 results in 9 document sections:

ld have been wise and courageous, explained the plan of the ministry, I understand part of the plan of the army is, and which I very much approve, to make North America pay its own army. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford, 23 February, 1763, in Bedford Correspondence, III. 210. Compare, too, Calvert, resident secretary of Maryland in London, to Horatio Sharpe, deputy governor of Maryland, 1 March, 1763. I am by authority informed that a scheme is forming for establishing 10,000 men, to be British Americans standing force there, and paid by the colonies. that these regiments were, for the first year only, to be supported by England, Jasper Mauduit, agent of the province of Massachusetts, to the speaker of the House of Representatives, 12 March, 1763, to be found in Massachusetts' Council Letter Book of Entries, i. 384, relates, that, a few days before, the secretary at war had proposed an establishment of twenty regiments for America, to be supported the first year by England, afterwar
etter even than before, and would hunt deer for days together, taking his only rest under the trees; and as he strolled through the forest, with his ever ready musket in his hand, his serene mind was ripening for duty, he knew not how, by silent communion with nature. The movement in Virginia was directed against 1764, Jan. the prerogative. Vague rumors prevailed of new commercial and fiscal regulations, to be made by act of parliament; Letter to Lord George Germaine, 6, 7. and yet Americans refused to believe it possible that the British legislature would wilfully subvert their liberty. No remonstrance was prepared against the impending measures, of which the extent chap. IX.} 1764. Jan. was kept secret. Massachusetts, in January, 1764, with a view to effect the greatest possible reduction of the duty on foreign West Indian products, elected Hutchinson as its joint agent with Mauduit. But before he could leave the province, the house began to distrust him, and by a major
ly, but by naval and military officers, irresponsible to the civil power in the colonies. The penalties and forfeitures for breach of the revenue laws were to be decided in courts of vice-admiralty, without the interposition of a jury, by a single judge, who had no support whatever but from his share in the profits of his own condemnations. Such was the system which Grenville had carried far towards its complete development. The bounties which he had introduced, and the appointment of Americans to offices under the stamp act, were to pacify complaints; and that nothing might be wanting to produce contentment, pamphlets were sent over with the acts, one recommending the new regulations to the good opinion of the colonists, and another wishing them joy that Britain at this time had the most vigilant, upright, and able chancellor of the exchequer that ever served her since the days of Sir Robert Walpole. It was held that the power of parliament, according to the purest whig princ
soberly inquire, what right the parliament of Great Britain has to tax them. We were not sent out to be slaves, they continued, citing the example of ancient Greece, and the words of Thucydides; we are the equals of those who remained behind. Americans hold equal rights with those in Britain, not as conceded privileges, but as inherent and indefeasible rights. We have the rights of Englishmen, was the common voice, and as such we are to be ruled by laws of our own making, and tried by men ofmerica will be thought chap. XIV.} 1765. June of next. Boston Gazette. N. Y. Gazette. Hopkins's Grievances. Hutchinson's Correspondence. R. R. Livingston's Correspondence. It is plain, said even the calmest, Englishmen do not regard Americans as members of the same family, brothers, and equals, but as subordinates, bound to submit to oppression at their pleasure. A bill was even prepared, thus men warned each other against new dangers, that authorized quartering British soldiers up
ved from England at Boston; and the names of the stamp distributors were published on the eighth of August. But Grenville's craftily devised policy of employing Americans failed from the beginning. It will be as in the West Indies, clamored the people; there the negro overseers are the most cruel. Had you not rather, said a frn Stephen Johnson, the sincere and fervid pastor of the first church of Lyme. Bute, Bedford, and Grenville, said he to the people, will be had in remembrance by Americans as an abomination, execration, and curse. As the result of all, these measures tend to a very fatal civil war; and France and Spain would make advantage of ther; and would bind all fast with a military chain. Such counsels ended in Israel in such a revolt and wide breach as could never be healed. That this may end in a similar event is not impossible to the providence of God, nor more improbable to Britons than five years ago this Stamp Tax was to Americans. New London Gaz. No. 90.
t cause. Whenever that is the case, all will be over with the whole. There ought to be no New England man, no New-Yorker, known on the continent, but all of us Americans. These views prevailed; and in the proceedings of the Congress, the argument for American liberty from royal grants was avoided. This is the first chap. XVIII.} 1765. Oct. great step towards independence. Dummer had pleaded for colony charters; Livingston, Gadsden, and the Congress of 1765, provided for Americans self-existence and union, by claiming rights that preceded charters, and would survive their ruin. And how would that union extend? What nations would be included in the name of Americans? The members of that Congress believed themselves responsible for the liberties of the continent; and even while they were deliberating, the vast prairies of Illinois, the great eastern valley of the Mississippi, with all its rivers gushing from the Alleghanies, with all its boundless primeval forests, spreadin
Friday, 1 Nov. 1765. The liberty of free inquiry, said he, is one of the first and most fundamental of a free people. They have an undoubted right to be heard and relieved. They may publish their grievances; the press is open and free. We may go on to enjoy our rights and liberties as usual. The American governments or inhabitants may associate for the mutual defence of their birthright liberties. A person or people collectively may enjoy and defend their own. The hearts of Americans are cut to the quick by the Act; we have reason to fear very interesting and terrible consequences, though by no means equal to tyranny or slavery. But what an enraged, despairing people will do, when they come to see and feel their ruin, time only can reveal. It is the joy of thousands, that there is union and concurrence in a general Congress. We trust they will also lay a foundation for another Congress. The American colonies cannot be enslaved but by their chap. XIX.} 1765 Nov.
e consulted, and yet they postponed its meeting for the transaction of business, till there had been time to see if the Stamp Act would indeed execute itself. To Franklin, who was unwearied in his efforts to promote its repeal, no hope was given of relief; and though the committee of merchants, who on the twelfth day of December waited on Rockingham, Dowdeswell, chap. XX.} 1765. Dec. Conway, and Dartmouth, were received with dispassionate calmness, it was announced that the right to tax Americans could never be given up; and that a suspension was the most that could be expected. Letter from London of 14 Dec. 1765, in Boston Gazette, 24 Feb. 1766. Compare T. Pownall to Hutchinson, 3 Dec. 1765, and a letter of Franklin of 6 Jan. 1766. The successive accounts from America grieved the king more and more. Where this spirit will end, said he, is not to be said. It is undoubtedly the most serious matter that ever came before parliament, Geo. III. to Conway, 6 Dec. and he urg
s this country never had one before; H. Hammersley's Report Ms. and in the reign of King William an act passed, avowing the power of this legislature over the colonies. The king cannot suspend the Stamp Act; he is sworn by his coronation oath to do the contrary. But if you should concur as to the expediency of repeal, you will have twelve millions of your subjects of Great Britain and Ireland at your doors, not making speeches, but using club law. My Lords, what have these favorite Americans done? They have sent deputies to a meeting of their states, at New-York, by which (and, as he spoke, he appealed personally to Mansfield and Camden), I declare, as a lawyer, they have forfeited all their chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. charters. My Lords, the colonies are become too big to be governed by the laws they at first set out with. They have, therefore, run into confusion, and it will be the policy of this country to form a plan of laws for them. If they withdraw allegiance, you mus