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, of Garth a Member of Parliament and Agent for South Carolina; and specimens of the Correspondence of Knox and Franklin, as Agents of Georgia. Analogous to these are the confidential communications which passed between Hutchinson and Israel Mauduit and Thomas Whately; between one of the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania and Deputy Governor Hamilton; between Cecil Calvert and Hugh Hammersley, successive Secretaries of Maryland, and Lieutenant Governor Sharpe; between Ex-Governor Pownall and Dr. Cooper of Boston; between Hollis and Mayhew and Andrew Eliot of Boston. Of all these I have copies. Of the letter-books and drafts of letters of men in office, I had access to those of Bernard for a single year; to those of Hutchinson for many years; to that of Dr. Johnson, the patriarch of the American Episcopal Church, with Archbishop Secker; to those of Colden; to those of Lieutenant Governor Sharpe. Many letters of their correspondents also fell within my reach. For the affairs of the
from Virginia Peyton Randolph, the Speaker of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, to the Massachusetts Speaker, Prior Documents, 213. Bradford's History of Massachusetts, i. 145. The passage quoted is in Bradford but not in Prior Documents. was received, it gave courage more than all the rest. This is a glorious day, said Samuel Adams, using words which, seven Chap. XXXIV.} 1768. June. years later, he was to repeat. This is the most glorious day ever seen, responded his friend, Samuel Cooper. The merchants of Boston met, and successfully renewed the agreement not to import from England. Letter from Hutchinson to Bollas, 14 July, 1768. The House, employing the pen of Samuel Adams Eliot's Biographical Dictionary of New England, sub voce Samuel Adams. without altering a word, reported a letter Bradford's Massachusetts State Papers, 151; House to Lord Hillsborough, 30 June, 1768. to Lord Hillsborough, in which they showed that the Circular Letter of February was
and threats as usual; insisted, that a rising was agreed upon; Bernard to Gage, 16 Sept. and in his fright at an empty barrel placed on the beacon, actually called a meeting of the Council. Bernard to Hillsborough, Letters to the Ministry, 71. On Monday the twelfth, the inhabitants of Boston gathered in a Town Meeting at Faneuil Hall, where the arms belonging to the town, to the number of four hundred muskets, lay in boxes on the floor. After a prayer from the fervid and eloquent Cooper, minister of the Congregation in Brattle Street, and the election of Otis as moderator, a committee inquired of the Governor the grounds of his apprehen- Chap. XXXVI} 1768. Sept. sions that regiments of his majesty's troops were daily to be expected; and he was also requested in the precarious situation of their invaluable rights and privileges, civil and religious, to issue precepts for a General Assembly. On the next morning at ten o'clock, report was made, that troops were expected to
ower over another church. There was not a Roman Catholic altar in the place; the usages of papists were looked upon as worn-out superstitions, fit only for the ignorant. But the people were not merely the fiercest enemies of popery and slavery; they were Protestants even against Protestantism; and though the English church was tolerated, Boston kept up its exasperation against prelacy. Its Ministers were still its prophets and its guides; its pulpit, in which, now that Mayhew was no more, Cooper was admired above all others for eloquence and patriotism, by weekly appeals inflamed alike the fervor of piety and of liberty. In the Boston Gazette, it enjoyed a free Press, which gave currency to its conclusions on the natural right of man Chap. XXXVIII} 1768. Dec. to self-government. Its citizens were inquisitive; seeking to know the causes of things, and to search for the reason of existing institutions in the laws of nature. Yet they controlled their speculative turn by practica
dish Debates, i. 185, &c. for the Repeal of Townshend's Act to be referred with the other American papers; nor would he receive a Petition which denied that the Act of Henry the Eighth extended to the Colonies; and on the twenty-sixth of January after a delay of many weeks, he asked the House of Commons to agree with the Resolves and Address of the House of Lords. Parliamentary History, XVI. 485, &c. Ms. Letters and Diary of W. S. Johnson; Cavendish Debates, i. 191 &c. Thomas Pownall to S. Cooper, 30 Jan. 1769. T. Whately to Hutchinson, 11 Feb. 1769. No lawyer, said Dowdeswell, will justify them; none but the House of Lords who think only of their dignity, could have originated them. Suppose, said Edmund Burke, you do call over two or three of these unfortunate men; what will become of the rest? Let me have the heads of the principal leaders, exclaimed the Duke of Alva; these heads proved Hydra's heads. Suppose a man brought over for High Treason; if his witnesses do not appear,
permitted and ordained by the unsearchable wisdom of the Almighty for hastening American Independence. Providence Gazette, 18 March; Boston Gazette, 27 March, 1769. Bernard to Hillsborough, 27 March, 1769. Compare W. S. Johnson to Dr. Benjamin Gale, 10 April, 1769. The intrepid Calvinist knew the end at which he aimed; but the British Ministry had no system. We have but one word, that is, our sovereignty, wrote Thomas Pownall, describing the opinion of all parties; T. Pownall to Cooper, 22 March, 1769. and it is like some word to a madman, which whenever mentioned throws him into his ravings and brings on a paroxysm. The Representation, Chap. XL.} 1769. March therefore, of New-York, though carefully written, was rejected by the House of Commons, because it questioned the right of Parliament to tax America. But this sovereignty being asserted, the Ministry, terrified by the recovery of Chatham which alarmed Camden and Grafton, and by the complaints of the merchants at
instruction on the subject of provincial grants for the support of Government, coupled his new demand of a year's salary with an intimation, that he should give his assent to no Act, which the grant did not precede. The House, having disdainfully rejected his de- July. mand, Answer of the House of Representatives, 4 July, 1769; in Bradford, 180, 181. adopted nearly word for word the three Resolutions of Virginia Bradford's State Papers, 176, 177, and 180. on taxation, Compare S. Cooper to T. Pownall, 12 July, 1769. intercolonial correspondence, and trial by a jury of the vicinage. They also enumerated their grievances, and declared the establishment of a standing army in the Colony, in a time of peace, without consent of its General Assembly, an invasion of the natural and chartered rights of the people. For the troops thus quartered in Boston against the will of the Province, Bernard demanded Message of Bernard, 6 July, 1769; Bradford, 183. the appropriations whi
Chap. XLII.} 1769. Aug. At Boston he wished not to be thought to have been very closely connected with his predecessor Cooper to Gov. Pownall, 8 Sept. 1769. At the same moment, I have lived in perfect harmony with Governor Bernard, was the time-se 5 April, 1770; Hillsborough to Lieut. Gov. Bull, 12 June, 1770. Many of the patriots of Ireland Gov. Pownall to S. Cooper, 25 Sept. 1769, and S. Cooper to Gov. Pownall, 1 Jan. 1770. saw that their hopes were bound up with those of the ColoniS. Cooper to Gov. Pownall, 1 Jan. 1770. saw that their hopes were bound up with those of the Colonies; and Bushe, the friend of Grattan, in imitation of Molineux, published the case of Great Britain and America, with a vehement invective against Grenville. Hate him, said he to Grattan; I hope you hate him. And it was Grenville's speeches and Grps which refused to take English merchandise might have returned full freighted with skilful artisans. T. Pownall to S. Cooper, 25 Sept. 1769. In the history of the English people, this year marks the establishment of Public Meetings, Albemarl
is metropolis, and indeed the whole Province under duress, wrote Cooper, the minister. The troops greatly corrupt our morals, and are in every sense an oppression; and his New Year's prayer to Heaven asked deliverance from their presence. Rev. S. Cooper to Gov. Thomas Pownall, 1 Jan. 1770. The Massachusetts Assembly was to meet on the tenth of January, and distant members were already on their journey; Hutchinson to Sir Francis Bernard; 10 Jan. 1770. when Hutchinson most unwisely for tants may avail to excuse this action, is uncertain. Hutchinson to Lord Hillsborough, 12 March, 1770. 3. Rev. Dr. Cooper's opinion is worthy of great attention. Soldiers &c. fired without the least reason to justify so desperate a step. Dr. S. Cooper to Gov. Pownall, 26 March, 1770. 4. No one of the soldiers was hurt, nor was there any of the things. Chap. XLIII.} 1770. March said to have been thrown at them, to be found on the place next morning. Boston Gazette, 830, 2, 2. 5. L
following the advice of Joseph Reed of Philadelphia, gave their suffrages for Arthur Lee; but by the better influence of Bowdoin and of the Minister Cooper, Samuel Cooper to B. Franklin, 6 November, 1770; in Franklin, VII. 489. Hutchinson to Gov. Pownall, 11 Nov. 1770. Benjamin Franklin was elected with Arthur Lee as his substind that the keeping up a standing army in America, without the consent of the colonial Assemblies, had no sanction in the Constitution. Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, London, 8 June, 1770; in Franklin's Witings, VII. 475. Compare also Franklin, IV. 408, VII. 392, and VII. 487 and Cooper to Franklin, 15 November, 1770, in FCooper to Franklin, 15 November, 1770, in Franklin, VII. 490. From the knowledge that these were his principles, and from confidence in his integrity and ability, the House readily confided the redress of their grievances to his care. See the letter of instructions to B. Franklin, 6 Nov. 1770, written by Samuel Adams. At the time when Franklin was thus called by the
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