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nternal and external taxes. I know no such distinction. It is a distinction without a difference; it is perfect nonsense; if we have a right to impose the one, we have a right to impose the other; the distinction is ridiculous in the opinion of every body, except the Americans. Looking up where the Colony Agents usually sat, he added with emotion, I speak this aloud, that all you who are in the galleries may hear me; W. S. Johnson to Gov. Pitkin, 12 Feb. 1767. I follow the Account of Johnson from his Mss., of which I took and preserve copies. The story in Pitkin's Political and Civil History of the United States, i. 217, seems to me to have been fashioned by verbal tradition. I was told the same story, but not as to be found in the Mss. One English historian has quoted from Pitkin the passage, which might seem to prove that Townshend acted on a sudden impulse. The supposition would be erroneous. Townshend's policy was adopted deliberately. and, after this, I do not expect t
American army in the principal towns, he wished rather that the military should be disposed on the frontiers among the younger Colonies, where their presence might be desired. Shelburne to Gage, 11 Dec. 1766. The people of America, even a majority of those who adhered to the Church of England, feared as yet to see an American Episcopate, lest ecclesiastical courts should follow; Shelburne expressed his opinion openly, that there was no manner of occasion for American Bishops. Rev. Dr. Johnson to Sir William Johnson, 6 July, 1767. He reprobated the political dependence of the judges in the Colonies; and advised that their commissions should conform to the precedent in England. Garth to South Carolina, 12 March, 1767. Compare Sir Henry Moore to Shelburne, 1 Feb. 1767. The grants of lands in Vermont under the seal of New Hampshire, he ordered to be confirmed, and this decision was not less wise than just. Shelburne to Moore, 11 April, 1767. Massachusetts and
Britain; in other words, were in a state of open rebellion; and wished that they might be reduced to submission by force; but a large majority was against him. In the midst of one of his speeches, the implacable man stopped short, and, looking up to the gallery, said, I hope there are no American Agents present; I must hold such language as I would not have them hear. I have expressly ordered the sergeant to admit none, said the Speaker, and you may be assured there are none present. Yet Johnson, of Connecticut, had braved the danger of an arrest, and sat in the gallery to record the incidents of the evening for the warning of his countrymen. On the fifteenth, W. S. Johnson, at the risk of imprisonment, was present at the Debate. His report of the Debate is before me; so too is that of Garth, which is very full as to the substance of the debate, though names are omitted. W. S. Johnson to Pitkin, 16 May, 1767; Garth to South Carolina, 17 May, 1767. The persevering Grenville nex
enge themselves on England by importing no more British goods. At the beginning of this excitement, Charles Sept. Townshend was seized with fever, and after a short illness, during which he met danger with the unconcerned levity that had marked his conduct of the most serious affairs, Walpole's Memoirs of George III. III. 99. he died at the age of forty-one, famed alike for incomparable talents, and extreme instability. W. S. Johnson to E. Dyer, 12 Sept. 1767, and other letters of Johnson. Where were now his gibes? Letters of Lady Hervey, Sept. 1767. Where his flashes of merriment that set the table in a roar; his brilliant eloquence which made him the wonder of Parliament? If his indiscretion forbade esteem, his good-humor dissipated hate. He had been courted by all parties, but never possessed the confidence of any. He followed no guide, and he had no plan of his own. No one wished him as an adversary; no one trusted him as an associate. He sometimes spoke with bold
on Hillsborough's taking possession of his newly created office. Johnson, the faithful agent of Connecticut, a churchman, and one who from Jan. depend upon my friendship and affection. Connecticut, said Johnson, is a loyal Colony. You are a very free Colony, rejoined Hillsborny obedience has been paid to the requisition.—The Colony, replied Johnson, has several times sent over copies of the printed Law Book; therethe absurdity of creating an independent state. Nobody, replied Johnson, has ever reckoned the power of legislation among the inseparable pinion of the King's Minis- Chap. XXXI.} 1768. Jan. ter, answered Johnson, or even of the King's Privy Council, cannot determine whether any were not to be injured. Upon the repeal of the Stamp Act, said Johnson, we had hoped these were the principles adopted; but the new dutiehe Irish. I hope that England will not add to our burdens, said Johnson; you would certainly find it redound to your own prejudice. Thu
ace him upon a great theatre. At Mount Vernon conversation turned at this Chap XXXII} 1768. March time on the dangers that overhung the country. Whenever my country calls upon me, said Washington, I am ready to take my musket on my shoulder. Courage, Americans; American Whig, Nov. Parker's New-York Gazette of 11 April, 1768. cried one of the famed April. New-York Triumvirate of Presbyterian lawyers, William Livingston, Theodore Sedgwick's Life of William Livingston, 145. Rev. Dr. Johnson to W. S. Johnson, Stratford, 22 April, 1768. Within this month the wicked Triumvirate of New-York, S. L. and Sc. [William Smith, William Livingston, and John Morin Scott,] have in Parker's paper, &c. &c. &c. Manuscript letter of Thomas B. Chandler to,——7 April, 1768. The first Whig was written by Livingston, the second by Smith, the third by——,and the fourth by Smith as far as the thundergust, and then Livingston went on in his high prancing style, &c. &c. Unluckily there is no positiv
At New-York the merchants held a meeting to Chap. Xxxiii} 1768. May. join with the inhabitants of Boston in the agreement not to import from Great Britain; and against the opinion of the Governor, the royal Council held, that the meetings were legal; that the people did but assemble to establish among themselves certain rules of economy; that as they were masters of their own fortune, they had a right to dispose of it as they pleased. Moore to Hillsborough, 10 May, 1768. Compare Rev. Dr. Johnson to the Archbishop Seeker, 10 May, 1768. While Massachusetts received encouragement from its sister Colonies, its Crown officers continued and extended their solicitations in England for large and fixed salaries, as the only way to keep the Americans in their dependence. Grenville's influence was the special resource of Hutchinson and Oliver, Oliver to Thomas Whately, 11 May, 1768. who had supported his Stamp Act and suffered as its martyrs; and they relied on Whately to secure f
can tax, than to continue it, I would not alter it, so long as the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay continues in its present state. Let the nation return to its old good nature and its old good humor, were the words of Alderman Beckford, W. S Johnson to Pitkin, 15 Nov. 1768. whom nobody minded, and who spoke more wisely than they all; it were best to repeal the late act, and conciliate the Colonies by moderation and kindness. Lord North, the recognised leader of the Ministry and the Friene last Act of Parliament, securing to us a revenue out of America; I will never think of repealing it, until I see America prostrate at my feet. These words are in W. S. Johnson's Report, and are in the Report in the Boston Gazette. That he, Johnson, reported them correctly, appears from Barre in Cavendish, i. 90, and Lord North himself in Cavendish i. 91. The irrevocable words spoke the feeling of Parliament. The Address was carried in the Commons without a division; the Peers seemed unan
e consent of England, or obtain independence. The resolves of Parliament fell upon them like so many thunderbolts; but they stood unmoved. These Oliverians, said a royalist, begin to think themselves Corsicans, and will resist unto blood. Dr. Johnson of Connecticut to his son, 7 March, 1769. John Adams, Compare John Adams's Autobiography, Works, II. though anxious for advancement in his profession, scorned the service of the King; and his associates at the bar rendered themselves unfit halter round their necks. Du Chatelet to Choiseul, 12 May, 1769. They are a race of convicts, said the famous moralist, the pensioned Samuel Johnson, and ought to be thankful for any thing we allow them short of hanging. Boswell's Life of Johnson, 435. A Circular letter was sent forthwith to all the Colonies, promising on the part of the Ministry to lay no more taxes on America for revenue, and to repeal those on paper, glass, and colors. Camden found fault with the paper as not couched
ts of the past. He was the great founder and head of the New Tory or Conservative party, which had become dominant through his support. To that cause all his instincts were blindly true; so that throughout his career, he was consistent in his zeal for authority, his hatred of reform, and his antipathy to philosophical freedom of inquiry and to popular power. On these points he was inflexibly obstinate and undisguised; nor could he be justly censured for dissimulation, except for that Johnson to Gov. Trumbull, 6 March, W. S. 1770. disingenuousness which studies the secret characters Chap. XLIV.} 1770. March of men in order to use them as its instruments. No one could tell whether the king really liked him. He could flatter, cajole, and humor, or frown and threaten; he could conceal the sense of injuries and forget good service; bribe the corrupt by favors, or terrify deserters by punishment. In bestowing rewards, it was his rule, as far as possible, to preserve the dependen
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