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Browsing named entities in William Watson Goodwin, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb.

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y which, for example in EUR. Hel. 107, instead of w(/ste mh\ ei)=nai or w(/ste ou)k e)/stin, either of which would express the sense, we have w(/ste ou)k ei)=nai.The explanation of w(/ste ou) with the infinitive on the ground of oratio obliqua was first made, I believe, by Shilleto in the Appendix to his Demosthenes de Falsa Legatione (1844). It is also given by Madvig ( Synt.§ 205, Anm. 3), who confines w(/ste ou) to clauses depending on the infinitive of oratio obliqua after verbs like fhmi/, oi)=mai, etc. (i.e. like the examples in 594). Shilleto's faith in his own explanation was somewhat shaken by finding that four of the passages quoted in 598 could not be brought u
another. Bekker cites, to illustrate this, ai)/q' ou(/tws xo/lon tele/sei) *)agame/mnwn, Il. iv. 178, and ei)/q' w(/s toi gou/naq' e(/poito, Il. iv. 313; also ai)/ ke qeo\s i(/khtai, Il. v. 129, followed immediately by a)ta\r ei)/ ke *)afrodi/th e)/lqh|s' e)s po/lemon. Bekker in his last edition of Homer (1858) gives only ei), ei)/qe, and ei) ga/r, without regard to the Mss.; and he is followed by Delbrück. The name protasis is often restricted to clauses introduced by a particle meaning if. But it applies equally to all conditional relative and temporal clauses (520), and it
Latin, as in Greek and English, the peculiar force of the past tense of the indicative with the infinitive is purely idiomatic. Deliberative Constructions IN a paper on The Extent of the Deliberative Construction in Relative Clauses in Greek, in the Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. vii. (1896), pp. 1-12, I have reviewed the recent discussion on this subject, and have maintained the following points, on which I agree substantially with Professor Hale's paper in the Transactions of the American Philological Association, xxiv. pp. 156-205. 1. *ou)k e)/xw, ou)k e)/sti with the dative, and similar expressions, in the