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Ottawa, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 13
ly the same thing. It was in our first meeting, at Ottawa — and I will say a word about where it was, and thewas in, after awhile — but at our first meeting, at Ottawa, I read an extract from an old speech of mine, made that quotation from my old speech, which I read at Ottawa, I made the comments which were reported at that ti that Judge Douglas had attempted to use upon me at Ottawa, and commented at some length upon the fact that thge understood by it; but in our first discussion at Ottawa, he led off by charging a bargain, somewhat corruptre in regard to these resolutions: I quoted them at Ottawa merely to ask Mr. Lincoln whether he stood on that Freeport to the questions which I Propounded him at Ottawa, based upon the platform adopted by a majority of t other counties. I do not question that he said at Ottawa what he quoted, but that only convicts him further, having upon a previous occasion made the speech at Ottawa as the one he took an extract from, at Charleston,
Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 13
have these seven joint discussions, that they were the successive acts of a drama-perhaps I should say, to be enacted not merely in the face of audiences like this, but in the face of the nation, and to some extent, by my relation to him, and not from any thing in myself, in the face of the world; and I am anxious that they should be conducted with dignity and in the good temper which would be befitting the vast audience before which it was conducted. But when Judge Douglas got home from Washington and made his first speech in Chicago, the evening afterward I made some sort of a reply to it. His second speech was made at Bloomington, in which he commented upon my speech at Chicago, and said that I had used language ingeniously contrived to conceal my intentions, or words to that effect. Now, I understand that this is an imputation upon my veracity and my candor. I do not know what the Judge understood by it; but in our first discussion at Ottawa, he led off by charging a bargain, s
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 13
e Mississippi river on your ferry-boats. They cannot cross over the Ohio into Kentucky. Lincoln himself cannot visit the land of his fathers, the scenes of his chilbring slavery in a course of ultimate extinction? How can he extinguish it in Kentucky, in Virginia, in all the slave States by his policy, if he will not pursue a pes, and it does not become Mr. Lincoln, or anybody else, to tell the people of Kentucky that they have no consciences, that they are living in a state of iniquity, antood me as trying to sustain the doctrine that we have a right to quarrel with Kentucky, or Virginia, or any of the slave States, about the institution of slavery-thu, nor the belief in the existence of the right to interfere with the States of Kentucky or Virginia in doing as they pleased with slavery or any other existing institation of this appeal to me in Indiana, to liberate the slaves under my care in Kentucky? It is a general declaration in the act announcing to the world the independe
Freeport (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 13
a moment to the answers which Mr. Lincoln made at Freeport to the questions which I Propounded him at Ottawa,ng slavery, then how would he vote? His answer at Freeport does not apply to any territory in America. I askibit slavery within her own limits. I told him at Freeport why I would not answer such a question. I told hiither Mr. Lincoln nor the Washington Union like my Freeport speech on that subject. The Union in a late numbecement of doctrine and programme which was made at Freeport. The declaration at Freeport was, that in his opiFreeport was, that in his opinion the people can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from a Territory before it comes in as a State; and he Compromise measures of 1860; and thirdly, that my Freeport speech is in exact accordance with those principleUnion casts upon me for all this? It says that my Freeport speech is not Democratic, and that I was not a Demout it. I pointed out to Judge Douglas that in his Freeport speech be had promised to investigate that matter.
Sangamon (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 13
ne, because his proviso would not apply to any territory in America, and therefore there was no chance of his being governed by it. It would have been quite easy for him to have said, that he would let, the people of a State do just as they pleased, if he desired to convey such an idea. Why did he not do it? He would not answer my question directly, because up north, the Abolition creed declares that there shall be no more slave States, while down south, in Adams county, in Coles, and in Sangamon, he and his friends are afraid to advance that doctrine. Therefore, he gives an evasive and equivocal answer, to be construed one way in the south and another way in the north, which, when analyzed, it is apparent is not an answer at all with reference to any territory now in existence. Mr. Lincoln complains that, in my speech the other day at Galesburgh, I read an extract from a speech delivered by him at Chicago, and then another from his speech at Charleston, and compared them, thus
Aurora, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 13
ntion to the facts of the case, and it will then be for you to say what you think of a man who can predicate such a charge upon the circumstances as he has in this. I had seen the platform adopted by a Republican Congressional Convention held in Aurora, the Second Congressional District, in September, 1854, published as purporting to be the platform of the Republican party. That platform declared that the Republican party was pledged never to admit another slave State into the Union, and also act from the files of a newspaper which had published it. Mr. Lincoln pretends that after I had so quoted those resolutions he discovered that they had never been adopted at Springfield. He does not deny their adoption by the Republican party at Aurora, at Bloomington, and at Rockford, and by nearly all the Republican County Conventions in Northern Illinois where his party is in a majority, but merely because they were not adopted on the spot on which I said they were, he chooses to quibble ab
Springfield (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 13
e Court from the courts of Missouri at the time he charged that the Judges of the Supreme Court entered into the conspiracy, yet, that there was an understanding with the Democratic owners of Dred Scott that they would take it up. I have since asked him who the Democratic owners of Dred Scott were, but he could not tell, and why? Because there were no such Democratic owners in existence. Dred Scott at the time was owned by the Rev. Dr. Chaffee, an Abolition member of Congress, of Springfield, Massachusetts, in right of his wife. He was owned by one of Lincoln's friends, and not by Democrats at all; his case was conducted in court by Abolition lawyers, so that both the prosecution and the defense were in the hands of the Abolition political friends of Mr. Lincoln. Notwithstanding I thus proved by the record that his charge against the Supreme Court was false, instead of taking it back, he resorted to another false charge to sustain the infamy of it. He also charged President Buchana
Oregon (Oregon, United States) (search for this): chapter 13
h just such a Constitution as her people want, with slavery or without, as they shall determine? He will not answer. I have put that question to him time and time again, and have not been able to get an answer out of him. I ask you again, Lincoln, will you vote to admit New Mexico when she has the requisite population with such a Constitution as her people adopt, either recognizing slavery or not, as they shall determine? He will not answer. I put the same question to him in reference to Oregon and the new States to be carved out of Texas, in pursuance of the contract between Texas and the United States, and he will not answer. He will not answer these questions in reference to any territory now in existence ; but says, that if Congress should prohibit slavery in a Territory, and when its people asked for admission as a State, they should adopt slavery as one of their institutions, that he supposes he would have to let it come in. I submit to you whether that answer of his to my q
Hancock, Md. (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 13
all the support I can get any where, if I can get it without practicing any deception to obtain it. In respect to this large portion of Judge Douglas's speech, in which he tries to show that in the controversy between himself and the Administration party, he is in the right, I do not feel myself at all competent or inclined to answer him. I say to him, Give it to them-give it to them just all you can and, on the other hand, I say to Carlin, and Jake Davis, and to this man Wogley up here in Hancock, Give it to Douglas-just pour it into him. Now, in regard to this matter of the Dred Scott decision, I wish to say a word or two. After all, the Judge will not say whether, if a decision is made, holding that the people of the States cannot exclude slavery, he will support it or not. He obstinately refuses to say what he will do in that case. The Judges of the Supreme Court as obstinately refused to say what they would do on this subject. Before this I reminded him that at Galesburgh
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 13
excludes his slaves from the Territory just as effectually and as positively as a Constitutional prohibition could. Such was the understanding when the Kansas and Nebraska bill was pending in Congress. Read the speech of Speaker Orr, of South Carolina, in the House of Representatives, in 1856, on the Kansas question, and you will find that he takes the ground that while the owner of a slave has a right to go into a Territory, and carry his slaves with him, that he cannot hold them one day or hour unless there is a slave code to protect him. He tells you that slavery would not exist a day in South Carolina, or any other State, unless there was a friendly people and friendly legislation. Read the speeches of that giant in intellect, Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, and you will find them to the same effect. Read the speeches of Sam Smith, of Tennessee, and of all Southern men, and you will find that they all understood this doctrine then as we understand it now. Mr. Lincoln can
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