hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity (current method)
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Abraham Lincoln 1,301 9 Browse Search
Stephen A. Douglas 838 2 Browse Search
Lyman Trumbull 603 3 Browse Search
Kansas (Kansas, United States) 390 0 Browse Search
Illinois (Illinois, United States) 358 0 Browse Search
Fred Douglas 332 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 308 0 Browse Search
Springfield (Illinois, United States) 214 4 Browse Search
S. A. Douglas 176 0 Browse Search
Henry Clay 164 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery.. Search the whole document.

Found 427 total hits in 56 results.

1 2 3 4 5 6
John J. Crittenden (search for this): chapter 5
or them to come to an understanding that the great principle of self-government was right, not only in the States, but in the Territories. I rejoiced this year to see my prediction, in that respect, carried out and fulfilled by the unanimous vote, in one form or another of both Houses of Congress. If you will remember that pending this Lecompton controversy that gallant old Roman, Kentucky's favorite son, the worthy successor of the immortal Clay-I allude, as you know, to the gallant John J. Crittenden-brought forward a bill, now known as the Crittenden-Montgomery bill, in which it was proposed that the Lecompton Constitution should be referred back to the people of Kansas, to be decided for or against it, at a fair election, and if a majority of the people were in favor of it, that Kansas should come into the Union as a slaveholding State, but that if a majority were against it, that they should make a new Constitution, and come in with slavery or without it, as they thought proper.
Cuffee (search for this): chapter 5
hen change the Constitution again, and allow negroes to vote and hold office, and will make them eligible to the Legislature, so that thereafter they can have the right men for U. S. Senators, He will allow them to vote to elect the Legislature, the Judges, and the Governor, and will make them eligible to the office of Judge or Governor, or to the Legislature. He will put them on an equality with the white man. What then? Of course, after making them eligible to the judiciary, when he gets Cuffee elevated to the bench, he certainly will not refuse his judge the privilege of marrying any woman he may select! I submit to you whether these are not the legitimate consequences of his doctrine? If it be true, as he says, that by the Declaration of Independence and by Divine law, the negro is created the equal of the white man; if it be true that the Dred Scott decision is unjust and wrong, because it deprives the negro of citizenship and equality with the white man, then does it, not fol
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 5
Speech of Senator Douglas, delivered July 17, 1858, at Springfield, III (Mr. Lincoln was not present.) Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens of Springfield and Old Saughter. What did they say? ] What did they say? Why, many of them said that Douglas voted with the Republicans. Yes! not only that, but with the black Republicane different modes of stating that proposition. The New York Tribune says that Douglas did not vote with the Republicans, but that on that question the Republicans went over to Douglas and voted with him. My friends, I have never yet abandoned a principle because of the support I found men yielding to it, and I shall never aere rose on the platform and said Be particular now, Judge, be particular. ] Mr. Douglas-My venerable friend here says that he will be gratified if I will be particunt could not be trusted, that the present one could not be trusted, and that Mr. Douglas could not be trusted ; that they were all conspirators in bringing about tha
Ninian Edwards (search for this): chapter 5
embled, a few months after the adoption of these measures, the first thing the members did was to review their action upon this slavery agitation, and to correct the errors into which their predecessors had fallen. You remember that their first act was to repeal the Wilmot Proviso instructions to our U. S. Senators, which had been previously passed, and in lieu of them to record another resolution upon the journal, with which you must all be familiar — a resolution brought forward by Mr. Ninian Edwards, and adopted by the House of Representatives by a vote of 61 in the affirmative to 4 in the negative. That resolution I can quote to you in almost its precise language. It declared that the great principle of self-government was the birthright of freemen ; was the gift of heaven ; was achieved by the blood of our revolutionary fathers, and must be continued and carried out in the organization of all the Territories and the admission of all new States. That became the Illinois platfo
English (search for this): chapter 5
t in every free government an unfair election is no election at all. Every election should be free, should be fair, with the same privileges and the same inducements for a negative as for an affirmative vote. The objection to what is called the English proposition, by which the Lecompton Constitution was referred back to the people of Kansas, was this that if the people chose to accept the Lecompton Constitution they could come in with only 35,000 inhabitants, while if they determined to rejecto putting the coolies, now importing into this country, on an equality with us, or putting the Chinese or any inferior race on an equality with us. I hold that the white race, the European race, I care not whether Irish, German, French, Scotch, English, or to what nation they belong, so they are the white race, to be our equals. And I am for placing them, as our fathers did, on an equality with us. Emigrants from Europe, and their descendants, constitute the people of the United States. The
French (search for this): chapter 5
way by any Constitution or law that man could pass? Why, their whole action toward the Indian showed that they never dreamed that they were bound to put him on an equality. I am not only opposed to negro equality, but I am opposed to Indian equality. I am opposed to putting the coolies, now importing into this country, on an equality with us, or putting the Chinese or any inferior race on an equality with us. I hold that the white race, the European race, I care not whether Irish, German, French, Scotch, English, or to what nation they belong, so they are the white race, to be our equals. And I am for placing them, as our fathers did, on an equality with us. Emigrants from Europe, and their descendants, constitute the people of the United States. The Declaration of Independence only included the white people of the United States. The Constitution of the United States was framed by the white people, it ought to be administered by them, leaving each State to make such regulations c
Indians (search for this): chapter 5
equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and he asks whether that instrument does not declare that all men are created equal. Mr. Lincoln then goes on to say that that clause of the Declaration of Independence includes negroes. [ I say not. ] Well, if you say not, I do not think you will vote for Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln goes on to argue that the language all men included the negroes, Indians, and all inferior races. In his Chicago speech he says, in so many words, that it includes the negroes, that they were endowed by the Almighty with the right of equality with the white man, and therefore that that right is Divine — a right under the higher law ; that the law of God makes them equal to the white man, and therefore that the law of the white man cannot deprive them of that right. This is Mr. Lincoln's argument. He is conscientious in his belief. I do not question his si
Tom Jones (search for this): chapter 5
to be appointed? Why, the Republican President is to call upon the candidates and catechise them, and ask them, How will you decide this cast if I appoint you judge? Suppose, for instance, Mr. Lincoln to be a candidate for a vacancy on the supreme bench to fill Chief Justice Taney's place, and when he applied to Seward, the latter would say, Mr. Lincoln, I cannot appoint you until I know how you will decide the Dred Scott case? Mr. Lincoln tells him, and then asks him how he will decide Tom Jones's case, and Bill Wilson's case, and thus catechises the judge as to how he will decide any case which may arise before him. Suppose you get a Supreme Court composed of such judges, who have been appointed by a partisan President upon their giving pledges how they would decide a case before it arose, what confidence would you have in such a court? Would not your court be prostituted beneath the contempt of all mankind? What man would feel that his liberties were safe, his right of pers
Kane (search for this): chapter 5
hat he shall not unless he does; that is to say, they will allow a negro to vote if he is rich, but a poor fellow they will not allow to vote. In New York they think a rich negro is equal to a white man. Well, that is a matter of taste with them. If they think so in that State, and do not carry the doctrine outside of it and propose to interfere with us, I have no quarrel to make with them. It is their business. There is a great, deal of philosophy and good sense in a saying of Fridley of Kane. Fridley had a law suit before a justice of the peace, and the justice decided it against him. This he did not like, and standing up and looking at the justice for a moment Well, square, said he, if a man choose to make a darnation fool of himself I suppose there is no law against it. That is all I have to say about these negro regulations and this negro voting in other States where they have systems different from ours. If it is their wish to have it so, be it so. There is no cause to co
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 5
livered July 17, 1858, at Springfield, III (Mr. Lincoln was not present.) Mr. Chairman and Fello I have no comment to make on that part of Mr. Lincoln's speech, in which he represents me as form why, it is your look-out, not ours. Thus, Mr. Lincoln is going to plant his Abolition batteries a Union is a very different one from that of Mr. Lincoln, I believe that the Union can only be preseress of the same tenor. My opinion is that Mr. Lincoln ought to be on the supreme bench himself, wto die ; and it is very possible, too, that Mr. Lincoln's senatorial term would expire before theseppen I do not see a very great prospect for Mr. Lincoln to reverse the Dred Scott decision. But su, in order to make it uniform, according to Mr. Lincoln's proposition, throughout. the Union; let Either the radical abolition principles of Mr. Lincoln must be maintained, or the strong, constitu to serve you in the future. If you think Mr. Lincoln will do more to advance the interests and e[40 more...]
1 2 3 4 5 6