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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Matthew Arnold, Civilization in the United States: First and Last Impressions of America.. Search the whole document.

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Holland (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 3
would not rather live than in America, except Russia. In politics I do not much trust Sir Lepel Griffin. I hope that he administers in India some district where a profound insight into the being and working of institutions is not requisite. But, I suppose, of the tastes of himself and of that large class of Englishmen whom Mr. Charles Sumner has taught us to call the class of gentlemen, he is no untrustworthy reporter. And an Englishman of this class would rather live in France, Spain, Holland, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, than in the United States, in spite of our community of race and speech with them! This means that, in the opinion of men of that class, the human problem, at least, is not well solved in the United States, whatever the political and social problem may be. And to the human problem in the United States we ought certainly to turn our attention, especially when we find taken such an objection as this; and some day, though not now, we will do so, and try
Norfolk (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
ideal, which materializes our upper class, vulgarizes our middle class, brutalizes our lower class. It misleads the young, makes the worldly more worldly, the limited more limited, the stationary more stationary. Even to the imaginative, whom Lord John Manners thinks its sure friend, it is more a hindrance than a help. Johnson says well: Whatever makes the past, the distant, or the future, predominate over the present, advances us in the dignity of thinking beings. But what is a Duke of Norfolk or an Earl of Warwick, dressed in broad-cloth and tweed, and going about his business or pleasure in hansom cabs and railway carriages, like the rest of us? Imagination herself would entreat him to take himself out of the way, and to leave us to the Norfolks and Warwicks of history. I say this without a particle of hatred, and with esteem, admiration, and affection for many individuals in the aristocratical class. But the action of time and circumstance is fatal. If one asks oneself w
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 3
d to meet me half a dozen politicians whom in England we should pronounce to be members of Parliames not mean so very much more than is meant in England when we have heard Lord Beaconsfield called atration of the United States than in those of England. I believe there is more, and that the tone the same state of things which we witness in England; that the cities would fill up and the lands aid that we seem to me to need at present, in England, three things in especial: more equality, eduand Mr. Campbell Bannerman would come back to England. Dublin Castle would be the State House of LConnaught. The same with the like matters in England and Scotland. The local legislatures would rd. Each of the provincial legislatures of Great Britain and Ireland would elect members to the Houhus with them; there is so little lucidity in England, and they will say I am priest-ridden. Oneoment, I see and deplore. Yet nowhere but in England even now, not in France, not in Germany, not [1 more...]
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 3
think it to write a worthy book about the United States, when I am not entirely satisfied with eveI should expect to find, of course, in the United States the total absence; that our lower class I inal thoughts respecting the people of the United States. The new and modifying impressions broughth increased respect. Until I went to the United States I had never seen a people with institutioncapital fact as to the institutions of the United States is this: their suitableness to the America in the politics and administration of the United States than in those of England. I believe theretion. Here, again, I do not mean that the United States are exempt from the operation of every onemidable. Lord Macaulay predicted that the United States must come in time to just the same state on the condition of the English race in the United States, I had said beforehand, indeed, that I supthe end. Cupples & Hurd, the Algonquin press, Boston. civilization in the United States. [23 more...]
America (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
de Tocqueville's famous work on Democracy in America. I have the highest respect for M. de TocqueI said that I imagined one would just have in America our Philistines, with our aristocracy quite lnt it. I should not like either my friends in America or my countrymen here at home to think that m and their characters. But the more I saw of America, the more I found myself led to treat instituered that in truth the practice, so common in America, of calling a politician a thief does not measaid of the worship of the almighty dollar in America, it is indubitable that rich men are regardedes of the most selfish and vile kind. But in America, Faublas is no more the ideal than Coriolanustheon. I said that a source of strength to America, in political and social concerns, was the ho this found in a course like that followed in America, in having a much less numerous House of Commlized where one would not rather live than in America, except Russia. In politics I do not much tr[15 more...]
Cambria (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 3
the fit units for choosing these local assemblies. Such units occur immediately to one's mind in the provinces of Ireland, the Highlands and Lowlands of Scotland, Wales, north and south, groups of English counties such as present themselves in the circuits of the judges or under the names of East Anglia or the Midlands. No one wiession, if not always its practice. It inspires wide and deep affection, and possesses, therefore, immense strength. Probably the establishment will not stand in Wales probably it will not stand in Scotland. In Wales, it ought not, I think, to stand. In Scotland, I should regret its fall: but Presbyterian churches are born to sWales, it ought not, I think, to stand. In Scotland, I should regret its fall: but Presbyterian churches are born to separatism, as the sparks fly up-wards. At any rate, it is through the vote of local legislatures that disestablishment is likely to come, as a measure required in certain provinces, not as a general measure for the whole country. In other words, the endeavor for disestablishment ought to be postponed to the endeavor for far more
Russia (Russia) (search for this): chapter 3
he United States work, how clearly, in some most important respects, the Americans see, how straight they think. Yet Sir Lepel Griffin says that there is no country calling itself civilized where one would not rather live than in America, except Russia. In politics I do not much trust Sir Lepel Griffin. I hope that he administers in India some district where a profound insight into the being and working of institutions is not requisite. But, I suppose, of the tastes of himself and of that lasuch an objection as this; and some day, though not now, we will do so, and try to see what the objection comes to. I have given hostages to the United States, I am bound to them by the memory of great, untiring, and most attaching kindness. I should not like to have to own them to be of all countries calling themselves civilized, except Russia, the country where one would least like to live. the end. Cupples & Hurd, the Algonquin press, Boston. civilization in the United States.
Scotland (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 3
that Ireland should be governed by Lord Spencer and Mr. Campbell Bannerman; as unnatural as for Scotland to be governed by Lord Cranbrook and Mr. Heally. It is Unnatural that Ireland should be governigns of this time. But even the Duke of Argyle, delivering his mind about the land question in Scotland, is like one seeing, thinking, and speaking in some other planet than ours. A man of even Mr. nits occur immediately to one's mind in the provinces of Ireland, the Highlands and Lowlands of Scotland, Wales, north and south, groups of English counties such as present themselves in the circuits Munster and Connaught for Munster and Connaught. The same with the like matters in England and Scotland. The local legislatures would regulate them. But there is more. Everybody who watches the nse strength. Probably the establishment will not stand in Wales probably it will not stand in Scotland. In Wales, it ought not, I think, to stand. In Scotland, I should regret its fall: but Presby
Cranbrook (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 3
to the whole state of Ireland--anti-natural. Anti-natural, anti-nature; that is the word which rises irresistibly in the mind as I survey Ireland. Everything is unnatural there: the proceedings of the English who rule, the proceedings of the Irish who resist. But it is with the working of our English institutions there that I am now concerned. It is unnatural that Ireland should be governed by Lord Spencer and Mr. Campbell Bannerman; as unnatural as for Scotland to be governed by Lord Cranbrook and Mr. Heally. It is Unnatural that Ireland should be governed under the Crimes Act. But there is necessity, replies the Government. Well, then, if there is such an evil necessity, it is unnatural that the Irish newspapers should be free to write as they write and the Irish members to speak as they speak,--free to inflame and further to exasperate a seditious people's mind, and to promote the continuance of the evil necessity. A necessity for the Crimes Act is a necessity for absolute
Berlin (Berlin, Germany) (search for this): chapter 3
le, who has neither the thoughts, habits, nor ideals of the middle class, and yet wishes to act as proctor for it, they have every disadvantage. He cannot even do justice to the Philistine mind, such as it is, for which he is spokesman; he apprehends it uncertainly and expounds it ineffectively. And so with the house and lineage of Murdstone thundering at him (and these, again, through Lord Derby as their interpreter) from the Cape, and the inexorable Prince Bismarck thundering at him from Berlin, the thing naturally ends by Lord Granville at last wringing his adroit hands and ejaculating disconsolately: It is a misunderstanding altogether! Even yet more to be pitied, perhaps, was the hard case of Lord Kimberly after the Majuba Hill disaster. Who can ever forget him, poor man, studying the faces of the representatives of the dissenting interest and exclaiming: A sudden thought strikes me! May we not be incurring the sin of blood-guiltiness? To this has come the tradition of Lord
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