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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Matthew Arnold, Civilization in the United States: First and Last Impressions of America.. Search the whole document.

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1688 AD (search for this): chapter 3
Lord Granville at last wringing his adroit hands and ejaculating disconsolately: It is a misunderstanding altogether! Even yet more to be pitied, perhaps, was the hard case of Lord Kimberly after the Majuba Hill disaster. Who can ever forget him, poor man, studying the faces of the representatives of the dissenting interest and exclaiming: A sudden thought strikes me! May we not be incurring the sin of blood-guiltiness? To this has come the tradition of Lord Somers, the Whig oligarchy of 1688, and all Lord Macaulay's Pantheon. I said that a source of strength to America, in political and social concerns, was the homogeneous character of American society. An American statesman speaks with more effect the mind of his fellow-citizens from his being in sympathy with it, understanding and sharing it. Certainly, one must admit that if, in our country of classes, the Philistine middle class is really the inspirer of our foreign policy, that policy would at least be expounded more for
Argyle (search for this): chapter 3
entions, and limited vision; what she wants is statesmen with just the qualities which the typical English gentleman has not flexibility, openness of mind, a free and large view of things. Everywhere we shall find in our thinking, a sort of warp inclining it aside of the real mark, and thus depriving it of value. The common run of peers who write to the Times about Reform of the House of Lords one would not much expect, perhaps, to understand the signs of this time. But even the Duke of Argyle, delivering his mind about the land question in Scotland, is like one seeing, thinking, and speaking in some other planet than ours. A man of even Mr. John Morley's gifts is provoked with the House of Lords, and straightway he declares himself against the existence of a Second Chamber at all; although — if there be such a thing as demonstration in politics — the working of the American Senate demonstrates a well-composed Second Chamber to be the very need and safeguard of a modern democracy
Bancroft (search for this): chapter 3
are and characteristic qualities of mind and style--Sir Henry Maine, in the Quarterly Review, adopts and often reiterates a phrase of M. Scherer, to the effect that Democracy is only a form of government. He holds up to ridicule a sentence of Mr. Bancroft's History, in which the American democracy is told that its ascent to power proceeded as uniformly and majestically as the laws of being, and was as certain as the decrees of eternity. Let us be willing to give Sir Henry Maine his way, and to kept aloof from it, and those who gave themselves to it were unworthy, that I ended by supposing that the thing must actually be so, and the good Americans must be looked for elsewhere than in politics. Then I had the pleasure of dining with Mr. Bancroft in Washington; and however he may, in Sir Henry Maine's opinion, overlaud the pre-established harmony of American democracy, he had at any rate invited to meet me half a dozen politicians whom in England we should pronounce to be members of Pa
Campbell Bannerman (search for this): chapter 3
the proceedings of the English who rule, the proceedings of the Irish who resist. But it is with the working of our English institutions there that I am now concerned. It is unnatural that Ireland should be governed by Lord Spencer and Mr. Campbell Bannerman; as unnatural as for Scotland to be governed by Lord Cranbrook and Mr. Heally. It is Unnatural that Ireland should be governed under the Crimes Act. But there is necessity, replies the Government. Well, then, if there is such an evil neritish Protestant the dealings with church and education. Apart from imperial concerns, or from disorders such as to render military intervention necessary, the government in London would leave Ireland to manage itself. Lord Spencer and Mr. Campbell Bannerman would come back to England. Dublin Castle would be the State House of Leinster. Land questions, game laws, police, church, education, would be regulated by the people and legislature of Leinster for Leinster, of Ulster for Ulster, of Mu
Du Barry (search for this): chapter 3
an, the ideas and morals are not republican. In America not only are the institutions republican, but the ideas and morals are pre; vailingly republican also. They are those of a plain, decent middle class. The ideal of those who are the public instructors of the people is the ideal of such a class. In France the ideal of the mass of popular journalists and popular writers of fiction, who are now practically the public instructors there, is, if you could see their hearts, a Pompadour or du Barry regime, with themselves for the part of Faublas. With this ideal prevailing, this vision of the objects for which wealth is desirable, the possessors of wealth become hateful to the multitude which toils and endures, and society is undermined. This is one of the many inconveniences which the French have to suffer from that worship of the great goddess Lubricity to which they are at present vowed. Wealth excites the most savage enmity there, because it is conceived as a means for gratifyi
Beecher (search for this): chapter 3
excluded, because Boston would not return him. It is as if Mr. Bright could have no other constituency open to him if Rochdale would not send him to Parliament. But all these are really questions of machinery (to use my own term), and ought not so to engage our attention as to prevent our seeing that the capital fact as to the institutions of the United States is this: their suitableness to the American people, and their natural and easy working. If we are not to be allowed to say, with Mr. Beecher, that this people has a genius for the organization of states, then at all events we must admit that in its own organization it has enjoyed the most signal good fortune. Yes; what is called in the jargon of the publicists, the political problem and the social problem, the people of the United States does appear to me to have solved, or Fortune has solved it for them, with undeniable success. Against invasion and conquest from without they are impregnably strong. As to domestic concer
Bright (search for this): chapter 3
term of office were longer, if his ministers sate in Congress, or must possess the confidence of Congress. Another observer may say that the marriage laws for the whole nation ought to be fixed by Congress, and not to vary at the will of the legislatures of the several States. I myself was much struck with the inconvenience of not allowing a man to sit in Congress except for his own district; a man like Wendell Phillips was thus excluded, because Boston would not return him. It is as if Mr. Bright could have no other constituency open to him if Rochdale would not send him to Parliament. But all these are really questions of machinery (to use my own term), and ought not so to engage our attention as to prevent our seeing that the capital fact as to the institutions of the United States is this: their suitableness to the American people, and their natural and easy working. If we are not to be allowed to say, with Mr. Beecher, that this people has a genius for the organization of sta
N. H. Chamberlain (search for this): chapter 3
ine of those reforms which are really pressing. Mr. Lyulph Stanley, Professor Stuart, and Lord Richard Grosvenor are waiting ready to help him, and perhaps Mr. Chamberlain himself will lead the attack. I admire Mr. Chamberlain as a politician, because he has the courage — and it is a wise courage — to state large the reforms weMr. Chamberlain as a politician, because he has the courage — and it is a wise courage — to state large the reforms we need, instead of minimizing them. But like Saul, before his conversion, he breathes out threatenings and slaughter against the Church, and is likely, perhaps, to lead an assault upon her. He is a formidable assailant, yet I suspect he might break his finger-nails on her walls. If the Church has the majority for her, she will of In other words, the endeavor for disestablishment ought to be postponed to the endeavor for far more important reforms, not to precede it. Yet I doubt whether Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Lyulph Stanley will listen to me when I plead thus with them; there is so little lucidity in England, and they will say I am priest-ridden. One ma
Coriolanus (search for this): chapter 3
jects for which wealth is desirable, the possessors of wealth become hateful to the multitude which toils and endures, and society is undermined. This is one of the many inconveniences which the French have to suffer from that worship of the great goddess Lubricity to which they are at present vowed. Wealth excites the most savage enmity there, because it is conceived as a means for gratifying appetites of the most selfish and vile kind. But in America, Faublas is no more the ideal than Coriolanus. Wealth is no more conceived as the minister to the pleasures of a class of rakes, than as the minister to the magnificence of a class of nobles. It is conceived as a thing which almost any American may attain, and which almost every American will use respectably. Its possession, therefore, does not inspire hatred, and so I return to the thesis with which I started — America is not in danger of revolution. The division between rich and poor is alleged to us as a cause of revolution whi
Gladstone (search for this): chapter 3
on in America, of calling a politician a thief does not mean so very much more than is meant in England when we have heard Lord Beaconsfield called a liar, and Mr. Gladstone, a madman. It means, that the speaker disagrees with the politician in question, and dislikes him. Not that I assent, on the other hand, to the thick-and-thinersonal incidents which such a state of confusion is sure to bring forth abundantly, and excitement in the opportunities thus often afforded for the display of Mr. Gladstone's wonderful powers. But to any judicious Englishman outside the House the spectacle is simply an afflicting and humiliating one; the sense aroused by it is not a sense of delight at Mr. Gladstone's tireless powers, it is rather a sense of disgust at their having to be so exercised. Every day the House of Commons does not sit, judicious people feel relief; every day that it sits, they are oppressed with apprehension. Instead of being an edifying influence, as such an assembly ought to
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