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before him on what terms a peace could be concluded. He said he cared for but two things: That the power of the United States over its territory should be acknowledged by the several Confederate States, and thus the Union be preserved; and that his emancipation proclamation should be agreed by the rebels to be the law of the whole land. Beyond these two things, but one question disturbed him, and that would not arise until peace was established. He told me that he had-met, in the last of January, the Confederate commissioners who came to Hampton Roads to treat of peace, and that he informed them very distinctly of these terms, and that he stated to them he would substantially leave to them all other terms upon which they could come into the Union and consent to live with us as a part thereof. His proposition made to the rebel commissioners at Hampton Roads, as Grant reports it, (Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant, Vol. II., pp. 422, 423), was that there would be no use in entering
he began that retreat and could no longer fight behind intrenchments, he would be easily defeated, by reason of the increased morale of our army derived from following him, and by reason of his great want of supplies. As the winter had been a very rainy one, the roads he would have to go over would be almost impassable early in the season; consequently he must wait until milder weather and the drying up of the mud before he could make the move. So confident was Grant of this that early in March he recalled Sheridan with his ten thousand cavalry. Sheridan had been operating in the Shenandoah Valley, and came down toward the north side of the James River so as to join Grant at once with his whole force. As soon as Sheridan's horses had been rested and his army had been refitted, Grant, fearing all the time that Lee would escape him, commenced a series of operations on Lee's right flank to drive him into Richmond and hold all communication on the south side. Hence the battle of Fiv
April 14th (search for this): chapter 21
before six o'clock, however, as he was returning from his drive, he was thrown from his carriage by his horses becoming frightened and running away, and was so seriously injured that his life was despaired of. He lay on his sick-bed until the 14th of April, when Lincoln was assassinated, and he himself was so brutally assaulted that he was detained in bed for many weeks afterwards. Meantime, Mr. Lincoln had gone to City Point and remained absent several days, returning only to meet the assassin's pistol. On the night of the 14th of April, I took the train at Washington for New York, and in the morning met in the train the newspapers announcing the assassination. On the night of April 16 I returned to Washington in order to be present to give aly assistance in this crisis of the country. I remained in Washington for some time in conference with Mr, Stanton, who was the moving spirit of that day, and with President Johnson. Previous to this time I had had no special relation
April 16th (search for this): chapter 21
spaired of. He lay on his sick-bed until the 14th of April, when Lincoln was assassinated, and he himself was so brutally assaulted that he was detained in bed for many weeks afterwards. Meantime, Mr. Lincoln had gone to City Point and remained absent several days, returning only to meet the assassin's pistol. On the night of the 14th of April, I took the train at Washington for New York, and in the morning met in the train the newspapers announcing the assassination. On the night of April 16 I returned to Washington in order to be present to give aly assistance in this crisis of the country. I remained in Washington for some time in conference with Mr, Stanton, who was the moving spirit of that day, and with President Johnson. Previous to this time I had had no special relation with Johnson, but the fact that his oft-repeated declarations upon taking the presidential office, that the Rebellion must be subjugated, and the traitors must take back seats, were in the line of my
did they serve, evincing great ability and entire loyalty to their chief, and there were no better officers or men. But as such staff officers, they had no opportunity to distinguish themselves in their line of duty so as to come into much notice in the course of the history of military campaign, although their services were invaluable. When I led the First Brigade of Massachusetts troops into Washington in April, 1861 I had but three staff officers. Two of these served only until the 16th of May, and when I was commissioned major-general they left. One of them, Major Haggerty, served with me until I was relieved at New Orleans. I have had occasion to speak of him before, and now have only to add that he was a very able man, and good soldier, sometimes serving as judge advocate general. When I took command of the Department of New England, I had as assistant adjutant-general and chief of ordnance, Maj. George C. Strong. I have said of him all I could say of any man, during t
December 8th (search for this): chapter 21
as charged with having taken a sum of money from one man, another sum from another, and so on, always for his own use; but by an examination of the records of his office, which had been placed in the hands of the acting provost marshal, I found that in every instance the sums were not only admitted to have been taken, but that he had charged himself with those sums on the books to be turned over on the settlement of his accounts. I finished my examination about 11 o'clock P. M., on the 8th of December, and sent an orderly to Colonel Cassels' tent with directions that he should report to me forthwith. He immediately reported to me, and I said to him: You are appointed lieutenant-colonel and aide-de-camp on my staff, and detailed as provost marshal of the department. You will proceed to duty to-morrow morning. I have examined all the complaints against you, and I believe they are all unfounded, and that you are an honest man. He held that office, and fulfilled its duties to my en
s and delays of official correspondence, it was many weeks before I received a reply, so that 1 had to make all my dispositions against that enemy before I got any assistance of professional skill. But when it did come it brought Dr. Charles MacCormick. He was a man very considerably advanced in years, who had been a surgeon in the United States Army for quite a long period, and had been stationed at New Orleans during the great epidemic of yellow fever which more than decimated the city in 1853, of which I have spoken. Doctor MacCormick deserves that a book should be written upon his services, for they deserve much more than the brief notice my limits will permit me here to give. He was exceedingly efficient in organizing the hospitals for which I had taken possession of some of the largest buildings in the city, notably the St. Louis Hotel. He gave me great confidence because he entirely approved of what I had done, and relieved me from the load of care and anxiety which was add
een appointed to West Point by General Breckinridge, but was loyal to the cause. He was one of the young artillery officers who, when I went to Fortress Monroe in 1861, had accepted an appointment made through the kindness of a friend as quartermaster instead of lieutenant of artillery, which was his lineal rank. Disgusted witI had no better soldier or officer, none in whose care I felt any more safe to leave everything in possession, than General Phelps. I had got him his promotion in 1861, and asked to have him transferred to the Army of the Gulf. He had but one fault: he was an anti-slavery man to a degree that utterly unbalanced his judgment. While in command of a portion of the troops on Ship Island in the Gulf of Mexico near the State of Mississippi, he, in the winter of 1861-62, upon his own motion, issued a proclamation of emancipation of the slaves. No notice was taken of it, as it was simply a dead letter. He disciplined his troops very admirably, and upon my arr
April, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 21
most experienced and best officers I could get. Gallantly, well, and faithfully did they serve, evincing great ability and entire loyalty to their chief, and there were no better officers or men. But as such staff officers, they had no opportunity to distinguish themselves in their line of duty so as to come into much notice in the course of the history of military campaign, although their services were invaluable. When I led the First Brigade of Massachusetts troops into Washington in April, 1861 I had but three staff officers. Two of these served only until the 16th of May, and when I was commissioned major-general they left. One of them, Major Haggerty, served with me until I was relieved at New Orleans. I have had occasion to speak of him before, and now have only to add that he was a very able man, and good soldier, sometimes serving as judge advocate general. When I took command of the Department of New England, I had as assistant adjutant-general and chief of ordnance,
ry soon after he joined me. I had no better soldier or officer, none in whose care I felt any more safe to leave everything in possession, than General Phelps. I had got him his promotion in 1861, and asked to have him transferred to the Army of the Gulf. He had but one fault: he was an anti-slavery man to a degree that utterly unbalanced his judgment. While in command of a portion of the troops on Ship Island in the Gulf of Mexico near the State of Mississippi, he, in the winter of 1861-62, upon his own motion, issued a proclamation of emancipation of the slaves. No notice was taken of it, as it was simply a dead letter. He disciplined his troops very admirably, and upon my arrival in New Orleans, I put him in command of the forces stationed above the city at Carrolton. The history of that command I have already stated. Differing with me on the slavery questions because I held that nothing could be done about freeing the slave, except through the President, he resigned his c
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