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William Lawrence (search for this): chapter 22
the case and make the opening argument, and I thought that it would not be of much consequence after that was done who did the rest. And thus I became the leading figure of the impeachment, for better or worse. The three days devoted to the preparation of this case were three of the hardest labor of my life. Of those three days I used only nine hours to sleep, and I was working under many disadvantages. But I had a corps of faithful stenographers around me, and, fortunately, the Hon. William Lawrence, of Ohio, a man of a good deal of learning and industry, assisted me in getting together all the legal authorities bearing upon the subject. I was so sure when I came away from home that there would be an impeachment during that session that I took to Washington with me my copy of the English state trials so as to have them handy, and they were of great service to me. No member of the board of managers called upon me to offer any aid, although Governor Boutwell did call in towa
Benjamin R. Curtis (search for this): chapter 22
gorgeous apparel. I came as near running away then as I ever did on any occasion in my life. But summoning up such courage as I could, I stuck to my post and addressed the Senate in a speech of two hours length, of which forty thousand copies were ordered by the House the next day for circulation throughout the country. The board of managers occupied the floor of the Senate chamber at the left of the chief justice. On the right sat Attorney-General Stanbury, Mr. Evarts of New York, Judge B. R. Curtis, of Massachusetts, Judge Nelson, of Tennessee, and other gentlemen, counsel for Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. I had brought it to the attention of the board of managers that we should have Mr. Johnson brought in and placed at the bar of the Senate to be tried according to the forms of the English law,--or as Judge Chase had been tried when Aaron Burr presided over the Senate,--and required by the presiding officer to stand until the Senate offered him a chair. But
Aaron Burr (search for this): chapter 22
e chamber at the left of the chief justice. On the right sat Attorney-General Stanbury, Mr. Evarts of New York, Judge B. R. Curtis, of Massachusetts, Judge Nelson, of Tennessee, and other gentlemen, counsel for Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. I had brought it to the attention of the board of managers that we should have Mr. Johnson brought in and placed at the bar of the Senate to be tried according to the forms of the English law,--or as Judge Chase had been tried when Aaron Burr presided over the Senate,--and required by the presiding officer to stand until the Senate offered him a chair. But our board of managers was too weak in the knees or back to insist upon this, and Mr. Johnson did not attend. The morning after the opening of the argument, I asked one of the board of managers, a very clever gentleman, to have the kindness to offer a piece of written evidence, but his hand shook so while he was examining the paper that I concluded to relieve him. As to my
D. C. G. Field (search for this): chapter 22
t for I desired to divest the case of all political complexion. It was a long time before it could be argued before that court, for it was a very great constitutional question, and the bench did not desire to pass upon it so long as there was a vacancy in that court. At last, the vacancy being filled, the case was fully heard and very well argued on both sides. After deliberation the court decided, eight to one, that greenbacks were the constitutional money of the United States, Mr. Justice Field alone dissenting ; this decision will never hereafter be questioned. Since then the legal tender money of the United States has been at all times at a par with gold, and under some circumstances at a premium over it. The bonds of the United States bearing five and six per cent. interest payable in gold, immediately rose to a high premium. The treasury had a surplus with which they had been redeeming these bonds as fast as they became due, sometimes buying them at a premium when it
George L. Ruffin (search for this): chapter 22
strict of Charlestown, a portion of Boston, the office of judge became vacant, and as we had as a member of the bar in Boston a very reputable and well-read lawyer who was a negro, a Democrat, and formerly a member of the legislature, Edwin G. Walker, Esq., I nominated him for the position, but my Republican council would not advise and consent he should have his commission. I then looked around for another reputable negro lawyer who should be a Republican in politics, and finding one, George L. Ruffin, Esq., nominated him, and the council dared not take the responsibility of his rejection. This judge held his office during his life and to the entire acceptance of the community. The State prison being in a condition of revolt when I took possession of the executive office I appointed a fellow-soldier, Col. Roland G. Usher, an independent Republican, to be its warden. It had been the custom of former wardens to go around through the prison armed from head to foot. Indeed, years b
John A. Bingham (search for this): chapter 22
re such as would affect the dignity and purity of conduct in office. When the board of managers met, Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, the great commoner, as he was styled, wished to be chosen chairman of the board as he had drawn up one of the principal articles of impeachment. While he was a very great man he was very erratic, and the majority of the board was in favor of the appointment of the Hon. Geo. S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, afterwards Secretary of the Treasury, or of the Hon. John A. Bingham, of Ohio. And I suppose it is no harm to state at this day that considerable acrimony arose between the managers on the subject. I took no part in this because I was desirous of having my own place in the first presentation of the case to the Senate. This would insure my putting the evidence before the Senate in the trial. The House insisted upon immediate prosecution. We had but three days then in which to get our case ready and prepare the opening arguments for its presenta
William B. Washburn (search for this): chapter 22
, whether I had not a right to aspire to be governor of my State. Therefore I offered myself to the Republican party as a candidate for the nomination for that office. Upon the contest before the election I was not unfairly beaten by the Hon. William B. Washburn, who was nominated by a small majority over me, and whose election I supported as I ought. In 1873, supposing that I had gauged the strength of the opposition, I presented myself again as a candidate for the nomination against GoverGovernor Washburn. He had some advantage over me in the fact that he had been governor two years. At the primary meetings for the election of delegates to the convention more than a majority of the delegates elected were in my favor. The State Central Committee, who were bitterly opposed to me, organized the convention against me. They got up contesting delegations and kept the contest going on over those delegates until midnight. By this hour the delegates from the country, who were my friends, h
John K. Tarbox (search for this): chapter 22
nce and control the elective franchise. I had substantially none of the Republican orators of the day with me because they were all busy trying to elect Mr. Hayes as President. The result followed that while Mr. Hayes got a very large vote, Mr. Tarbox as my congressional Democratic opponent got also a very large vote. But my self-constituted opponent, Mr. Hoar, got hardly enough votes in the district where he lived to count for mile-stones. With that term ended my congressional career, aeen one of my ardent political friends and, as such, had done what he could to aid me in my canvass, his appointment was of course not consented to by the council. I then appointed my opponent for election to Congress in my last election, Hon. John K. Tarbox, a warm personal friend. His commission issued and he held the office until his death some years afterwards. He inaugurated a system of reforms and put the business of the department on such a basis and brought it up to such a standing t
Benjamin F. Butler (search for this): chapter 22
nson know of Booth's plans: a private investigation Crittenden's challenge and Butler's answer greenbacks declared legal tender by Supreme Court proposition for antional Committee wanted my services in Indiana, and promised to Views at General Butler's home at Lowell. Library. take care of my district, I spent many weeks ent chose to give them. Mr. Blaine. Will the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Butler] allow me to read one sentence? I answered, Certainly. Mr. Blaine. The nds, James F. Wilson, Iowa. Geo. S. Boutwell, Mass. John A. Logan, El. Benj. F. Butler, Mass. Thaddeus Stevens, Penn. Thos. Williams, Penn. Jno. A. Bingham, Ohiy of the proclamation:-- Commonwealth of Massachusetts. by his excellency Benjamin F. Butler, Governor and commander-in-chief. A proclamation for A day of Hud in the 107th year of the independence of the United States of America. Benjamin F. Butler. By his Excellency the Governor, with the advice and consent of th
N. P. Banks (search for this): chapter 22
th with the banks. I would like some gentleman to put his finger upon any act of Congress by which we pledged ourselves for a single day longer than good pleasure and discretion of the Congress of the United States thought best to allow this bank currency to exist. What effect would it have upon the banks? Those dependent wholly upon their circulation, which are not in fact banks of loans and deposits, would wind up, and their managers would seek some other and equally honest employment. Banks that are needed would still be banks of loan and discount, but not of circulation. It is said that the banks furnish now the best currency this country ever saw, because it is the same in New Orleans, Boston, New York, and Chicago. But what is the currency? It is the notes of the bank. What makes them equal all over this country? It is the indorsement of the United States. So that we have come into this very remarkable position, that when a bank breaks its currency is better than whe
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