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September (search for this): chapter 14
execration. Robespierre was until two years or so before his death a consistent humanitarian and opponent of bloodshed. It is an historical fact that he resigned a lucrative judgeship because he was unwilling to pronounce a sentence of death. When the Revolution was well under way he proposed a bill for the abolition of capital punishment, and made a good fight for it. He refused to be a member of a court to try royalists, and served on a committee to protect the royal family during the September massacres. Mobs always filled him with abhorrence; he opposed the war with the allies and took every occasion to protest against a standing army on the highest moral grounds. He was noted as a friend of the Church, even when his friendliness compromised his power, and the Girondists attacked him on account of his belief in God. In debate he was particularly fair minded, insisting on obtaining a hearing for his opponents, and never indulging in personalities. It was with reluctance tha
1789 AD (search for this): chapter 14
d home when he found that he could no longer guide his country along the paths of peace, his name would have gone down in history with Garrison's as that of a benefactor of mankind. When the time comes to make another distinct advance in that great movement towards justice of which the French Revolution and the anti-slavery agitation were episodes, shall we follow the lead of Robespierre or that of Garrison? It is quite possible that a revolution in America to-day would end as did that of 1789 in France. It will not do to pooh-pooh the idea as monstrous. Men who can shoot down prisoners and administer the water torture in the Orient might have no insuperable objection to the guillotine at home. In the case of some great industrial crisis within the next few years, when practically all workmen are idle, let us suppose that they begin to riot in many places at once, and call for the bread which they cannot earn. The ordinary machinery of commerce and of government has broken down
1838 AD (search for this): chapter 14
ing in again the supremacy of the party of reaction. The best mental exercise for reformers is to accustom themselves to the idea of dispensing with the use of physical force, and of commending their cause to the higher powers of influence, persuasion and truth. And Garrison was the true prophet of such a peaceful method. He had the genuine spirit of reform which we might do well to accept from him as an inheritance. He was, indeed, to use his friend Quincy's words, uttered as early as 1838, one of those rare spirits which heaven at distant periods sends upon the earth on holiest missions. He was, as all such men are, in advance of his time,--too great . . to be a representative man at present, as Harriet Martineau declared, but, she added, his example may raise up a class hereafter. Such an example is indeed full of inspiration for those who see in the world around them many evils not altogether unrelated to those against which Garrison struggled so long and so faithfully. B
Hilaire Belloc (search for this): chapter 14
larly fair minded, insisting on obtaining a hearing for his opponents, and never indulging in personalities. It was with reluctance that he became a member of the terror committee, and he invariably avoided signing the guillotine lists when he could. Again and again he denounced the punishment of men for their opinions, no matter what those opinions might be. When the Gironde fell, it was Robespierre who saved the Right from extermination, and, in short, he was, as his last biographer, Hilaire Belloc, says, A man by nature opposed to the Terror. Throughout these fearful times he maintained unaltered a dream of a perfect state in which all should be happy and all virtuous. And yet this man gradually gave his consent to the Terror in order that he might maintain his power and realize his vision, until, familiar with its frightful mien, he seized upon it as a means to his end, and was finally destroyed by the extremists whom he intended to kill. It is an undoubted fact that his plan
Boys (search for this): chapter 14
cal organizations. Their new wine was too strong for the old bottles, and it always is. The movement for peace to-day is obstructed by the churches just as emancipation was, and almost any church meeting is ready to shout for any war, however diabolical, in which its country may be engaged, while infidels and skeptics and materialists outside take up the cause of Christian brotherhood. Only last week (as I write) in Philadelphia (the City of Brotherly Love) the Pennsylvania Division, United Boys' Brigade of America, in full military uniform, was reviewed by the State Commander and addressed by the reverend and distinguished chaplain. There were companies from the Presbyterian, Methodist, Congregational, Reformed, Episcopal, Reformed Episcopal and Moravian churches, and one company from Holy Trinity Church was named after the Prince of peace ! What would William Penn and the early Moravians have said of it? And Episcopal missionaries have introduced the Brigade into China, a nation
Tim Campbell (search for this): chapter 14
y a good one. We have got rid of the comparatively harmless folly of the coronation ceremony, and our judges and senators do not sit in solemn conclave to determine who shall carry the king's saltspoon or warming-pan in procession, but we have kept the most dangerous feature of all, the coronation oath — the oath of office. It was this oath taken by George III which cost his country dearly. We upset the tyranny of George III, but the tyranny of the oath still flourishes. The late Senator Tim Campbell, a local politician of some fame in the City of New York, once astounded the legislature by exclaiming during an acrimonious debate, What is a little thing like the Constitution between friends? There was a certain elemental truth in this statement. Laws and constitutions are made for men, and not men for laws and constitutions. It is no wonder that Garrison denounced the legal obstacles which stood in his way. The Abolitionists were ready to revolt, passively, against the govern
Cortez (search for this): chapter 14
d is dead. There is a question that lies deeper than the one of good and evil, and right and wrong. It is the question of vitality. The Real Thing may be good or bad, but it must be alive. God is the Real Thing and the devil is the Real Thing, and in between all are the shams and make-believes and hypocrisies that make up such a large part of existence. And the indictment of Washington is that it is a sham. There is something great in the idea of ruling. Even with all the cruelties of Cortez and Genghis Khan, governing is a great thing — a crime, a sin, an evil, if you will-but still great. But Washington does not rule. It has a name that it rules, and is a slave. Once it was ruled by the oligarchy of Southern landholders and slave-holders. To-day it is ruled by the oligarchy of finance. Dig in Pennsylvania avenue and you will soon find Wall street under the surface. Washington is not the Real Thing. Ostensible, nominal governments rarely are. At their inauguration the
William Lloyd Garrison (search for this): chapter 14
ndisturbed by the coercion of man by man, and Garrison was one of the few great leaders of such moveibelous stories regarding reformers. Because Garrison and his followers were not in society they we （2) The churches were unanimously hostile to Garrison and the Abolitionists. Here and there a straay on the Duty of Civil Disobedience. And Garrison had as little affection for the government asn the surface and carry out their behests. Garrison was justified in his distrust of politicians rce of any true reform. （4) The message of Garrison was based on abstract morality, and never devancipation which weakened his mission. （5) Garrison's message, though springing from a spirit of a career as Robespierre's be explained? With Garrison's faith in the unaided power of the right, he we follow the lead of Robespierre or that of Garrison? It is quite possible that a revolution in At altogether unrelated to those against which Garrison struggled so long and so faithfully. But whe[8 more...
Benjamin Lundy (search for this): chapter 14
e of value in forming a diagnosis of present conditions and seeking a remedy for existing ills. (i) And first of all, the Abolition movement was initiated by people of humble rank in society. Garrison began life as a cobbler's apprentice, and Lundy was a saddler. Even when the war broke out very few persons of prominence in society had taken their place among the Abolitionists, and those who did, such as Wendell Phillips and Edmund Quincy, were more or less ostracised and maligned. It wasted a hair's breadth one way or the other on account of any discrepancy between the exigencies of theory and those of practice. We have seen that there is sometimes such a discrepancy, but the greatest teachers have always risen above it. It was Lundy's attempt to postpone the immediate claims of emancipation which weakened his mission. （5) Garrison's message, though springing from a spirit of unusual gentleness, which condemned all recourse to physical force, was couched in the stern and i
Harriet Martineau (search for this): chapter 14
wers of influence, persuasion and truth. And Garrison was the true prophet of such a peaceful method. He had the genuine spirit of reform which we might do well to accept from him as an inheritance. He was, indeed, to use his friend Quincy's words, uttered as early as 1838, one of those rare spirits which heaven at distant periods sends upon the earth on holiest missions. He was, as all such men are, in advance of his time,--too great . . to be a representative man at present, as Harriet Martineau declared, but, she added, his example may raise up a class hereafter. Such an example is indeed full of inspiration for those who see in the world around them many evils not altogether unrelated to those against which Garrison struggled so long and so faithfully. But wherever the cause of justice may call us, let us be careful to go in his spirit, for, as one of his fellow-workers truly said, Non-resistance is the temper of mind in which all enterprises for humanity should be underta
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