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1856 AD (search for this): chapter 7
Chapter 5: the Civil war War is a condition of hate subsisting between persons, and peace is a condition of good — will subsisting between persons. Erasmus. Garrison's doctrine of non-resistance was put to the test throughout this period and to the end of the Civil War itself, but he never wavered. In 1856, during the early struggle for freedom in Kansas, Theodore Parker and Henry Ward Beecher had not hesitated to hold meetings in their churches with the object of raising money to buy rifles for the anti-slavery volunteers. Mr. Beecher said: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow Atchison and Stringfellow. Garrison expressed his emphatic dissent from this assertion. To class human beings as wild beasts was, he said, merely to adopt the theory which the slaveholders applied to their slaves. The border ruffians of Kansas were less blameworthy than their respectable backers. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our
1864 AD (search for this): chapter 7
s to sustain this obligation. Could any more striking example of the baneful effect of oaths be given than these passages which his oath extorted from the future Emancipator? He rose to a higher sense of his duties later when he told Congress in 1864 that If the people should by whatever mode or means make it an executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, not I, must be their instrument to enforce it. Resignation of office is surely the only course for an official who finds himself caence. Garrison earnestly urged the renomination of Lincoln against the bitter opposition of Wendell Phillips, who always strangely misunderstood the President. Now at last the virtues of the Abolitionists began to be generally recognized. In 1864 George Thompson, who nearly thirty years before had barely escaped violence from proslavery mobs, returned to America. He was given a public reception in Boston, with Governor Andrews in the chair, and at Washington a short time afterwards, he wa
December, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 7
it was most impressive to see the reverence with which the Negroes looked at Garrison, many of them touching his coat as if they expected virtue to come out of it. When the adoption of the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution, declaring the abolition of slavery, was assured, Garrison made up his mind to bring the Liberator to a close and to retire from the various anti-slavery societies. Their work was indeed ended, the mass of the population had caught up to them, and it was absurd now to pretend to any exclusive virtue. Many of the Abolitionists were incensed at his course, and insisted on keeping up the skeleton of their organization for several years; but the life had left them, and their total lack of influence proved how wise Garrison's action had been. He set up the last paragraph of his paper himself in December, 1865, and republished in the last issue the prophetic salutatory of thirty years before. Not one penny of gain had he to show for this lifetime of service.
Andrews (search for this): chapter 7
who finds himself called upon to do something which offends his conscience. Garrison earnestly urged the renomination of Lincoln against the bitter opposition of Wendell Phillips, who always strangely misunderstood the President. Now at last the virtues of the Abolitionists began to be generally recognized. In 1864 George Thompson, who nearly thirty years before had barely escaped violence from proslavery mobs, returned to America. He was given a public reception in Boston, with Governor Andrews in the chair, and at Washington a short time afterwards, he was invited by the House of Representatives to deliver a lecture in their hall. Garrison, too, was treated with great respect when he visited the national capital, and in the last month of the war, at the invitation of Secretary Stanton, he was present at the raising of the flag on Fort Sumter on the fourth anniversary of its capture. Dr. Cuyler, of Brooklyn, records that while he was standing with Garrison in the streets of
Atchison (search for this): chapter 7
ersons. Erasmus. Garrison's doctrine of non-resistance was put to the test throughout this period and to the end of the Civil War itself, but he never wavered. In 1856, during the early struggle for freedom in Kansas, Theodore Parker and Henry Ward Beecher had not hesitated to hold meetings in their churches with the object of raising money to buy rifles for the anti-slavery volunteers. Mr. Beecher said: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow Atchison and Stringfellow. Garrison expressed his emphatic dissent from this assertion. To class human beings as wild beasts was, he said, merely to adopt the theory which the slaveholders applied to their slaves. The border ruffians of Kansas were less blameworthy than their respectable backers. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin-whom first to despatch as opportunity might offer. We should have to make clean work of the president
Leonard Bacon (search for this): chapter 7
ow not what they do, he did not treat them as a herd of buffaloes, but as poor, misguided and lost men. We believe in his philosophy; we accept his instruction; we are thrilled by his example; we rejoice in his fidelity. Such was the argument of the man whom the churches, crying Lord! Lord! denounced as an infidel. It was in this very year that the Independent, one of the best known religious papers of the country, and on whose editorial board were such distinguished clergymen as Dr. Leonard Bacon and Dr. Storrs, called Garrison an infidel of the most degraded class! When at last war became inevitable, Garrison deplored the martial spirit of many of the Abolitionists. When the anti-slavery cause was launched, he said, it was baptized in the spirit of peace. We proclaimed to the country and the world that the weapons of our warfare were not carnal, but spiritual, and we believed them to be mighty through God to the pulling down even of the stronghold of slavery, and for se
Henry Ward Beecher (search for this): chapter 7
sons. Erasmus. Garrison's doctrine of non-resistance was put to the test throughout this period and to the end of the Civil War itself, but he never wavered. In 1856, during the early struggle for freedom in Kansas, Theodore Parker and Henry Ward Beecher had not hesitated to hold meetings in their churches with the object of raising money to buy rifles for the anti-slavery volunteers. Mr. Beecher said: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow AtchisMr. Beecher said: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow Atchison and Stringfellow. Garrison expressed his emphatic dissent from this assertion. To class human beings as wild beasts was, he said, merely to adopt the theory which the slaveholders applied to their slaves. The border ruffians of Kansas were less blameworthy than their respectable backers. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin-whom first to despatch as opportunity might offer. We should have to make clean work of the president a
John Brown (search for this): chapter 7
God, which is the great instrument for the overthrow of all iniquity and the salvation of the world. In speaking of John Brown after his raid at Harper's Ferry, he says: Judging him by the code of Bunker Hill, we think he is as deserving ofded sword or battle-axe in the cause of liberty; but we do not and we cannot approve any indulgence of the war spirit. John Brown has perhaps a right to a place by the side of Moses, Joshua, Gideon and David, but he is not on the same plane with Je or a free moral agent. Occupying this false position, he felt bound in his inaugural address indirectly to stigmatize John Brown's undertaking as the greatest of crimes. He also insisted, in the same address, upon the rendition of fugitive slaves, of Brooklyn, records that while he was standing with Garrison in the streets of Charleston, a band passed them playing John Brown's body. Only listen to that in Charleston streets! exclaimed Garrison, and they both broke into tears. The Negroes r
Cuyler (search for this): chapter 7
ry mobs, returned to America. He was given a public reception in Boston, with Governor Andrews in the chair, and at Washington a short time afterwards, he was invited by the House of Representatives to deliver a lecture in their hall. Garrison, too, was treated with great respect when he visited the national capital, and in the last month of the war, at the invitation of Secretary Stanton, he was present at the raising of the flag on Fort Sumter on the fourth anniversary of its capture. Dr. Cuyler, of Brooklyn, records that while he was standing with Garrison in the streets of Charleston, a band passed them playing John Brown's body. Only listen to that in Charleston streets! exclaimed Garrison, and they both broke into tears. The Negroes received him in a large church building, several thousand of them being crowded into it. One of them addressed him in an eloquent oration on behalf of his race and two little slave girls presented him with flowers. This occurred on the very mor
Fremont (search for this): chapter 7
-resistant, Bunker Hill and Lexington and Concord, rather than the cowardice and servility of a Southern slave plantation. Garrison applied these rules to the Civil War, and gave his entire sympathy to the cause of the North, while disapproving altogether of the resort to arms. Although for some time after the election and inauguration of Lincoln the Abolitionists had reason to doubt his intentions with reference to slavery, and especially after he had summarily revoked the orders of General Fremont and General Hunter liberating the slaves in their respective military districts, still Garrison saw deeper than most of his fellow reformers, and almost from the first gave him his support. Lincoln's oath of office, indeed, obliged him to accept the Constitution, and to that extent he was not a free man or a free moral agent. Occupying this false position, he felt bound in his inaugural address indirectly to stigmatize John Brown's undertaking as the greatest of crimes. He also insis
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