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Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
s as a source of capital, coupled with a judicious scheme for the colonization of the region through which the road should be located. This was in 1850, and it is a noteworthy fact that at that early date he favored the plans of Asa Whitney, who, as early as 1846, had made a proposition to the government for the construction of a line from the western end of Lake Michigan to the Pacific Ocean. The first speech in the Senate in advocacy of the general measure was made by Senator Breeze, of Illinois, but the bill which was finally passed was introduced by Senator Benton, of Missouri, in 1849. Dana gave this scheme his heartiest approval and support from the first, and urged that should the bounty land bill become a law, as he feared it would, it should be followed at once by another setting apart alternate sections for the railroad, within five miles on either side, so that its construction should not fail for want of resources. He pointed out that the construction of such a road wou
Nauvoo (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
y the steamship United States, which was twenty-eight days on the passage, and this gave rise to the fear that she was lost. Shortly after his return he expressed the hope, in some notes for the Tribune, that certain French industrial associations, which were thought to embody the better part of the revolution, would survive, but one after another they disappeared, and were finally followed by the failure of Icaria, a socialistic society established by a Frenchman named Cabet, near Nauvoo, in Illinois. The fatal defects in all these societies, like that of Brook Farm, were insufficient capital and an insufficient number of the right kind of socialists. But Dana, although discouraged, did not give up his interest in the subject. In an editorial on the approaching election in France, he wrote: New York Tribune, April 24, 1849. Let no man be frightened by the terms social and Socialist as adopted by the Democratic journals of France. They are Socialists not as propagandis
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
asing frequency, recurred throughout the decade, and in almost every discussion this great danger was, in one form or another, placed before the people. Agitation and discussion were the daily occupation of editors, politicians, and statesmen. Missouri Compromises, Wilmot Provisos, the Omnibus Resolutions, Squatter Sovereignty, the Nebraska Bill, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the prohibition of slavery in the territories, the dissolution of the Union, the preservation one from the western end of Lake Michigan to the Pacific Ocean. The first speech in the Senate in advocacy of the general measure was made by Senator Breeze, of Illinois, but the bill which was finally passed was introduced by Senator Benton, of Missouri, in 1849. Dana gave this scheme his heartiest approval and support from the first, and urged that should the bounty land bill become a law, as he feared it would, it should be followed at once by another setting apart alternate sections for the
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
press protective tariff land reform Pacific Railroad Dana arrived at New York in March, 1849, by the steamship United States, which was twenty-eight days on the passage, and this gave rise to the fear that she was lost. Shortly after his r Forrest, the American tragedian, and William Charles Macready, an English actor of distinction then on a tour of the United States, the friends of Forrest took violent measures to prevent Macready from acting in New York, and brought about a bloodyof the most numerous, most independent, and most determined body of men ever associated for political purposes in the United States. Pike, First Blows of the Civil War, p. 14. Greeley was undoubtedly one of the greatest political and controv$40,000 per mile for the various sections of the road, according to location, in the six-per-cent. gold-bonds of the United States. During the discussion, which was carried on with various intermission for twelve years, Dana remained true to his c
France (France) (search for this): chapter 7
ber of the right kind of socialists. But Dana, although discouraged, did not give up his interest in the subject. In an editorial on the approaching election in France, he wrote: New York Tribune, April 24, 1849. Let no man be frightened by the terms social and Socialist as adopted by the Democratic journals of France. France. They are Socialists not as propagandists of any societary theory or system, but as believers together, that the condition of the toiling, suffering millions ought to be, may be ameliorated, and that it is the pressing duty of governments to affect such amelioration. He followed this by an analysis of Proudhon's Political Ecoeme blessing of mankind then, as it always remained, to him, and this was as true in the case of an individual as in the case of a race or nation. He looked upon France at that time as the sheet-anchor of the liberties of the world, and regarded the issues of the war in Hungary as affecting the interests of all mankind. With dee
Pacific Ocean (search for this): chapter 7
had made a proposition to the government for the construction of a line from the western end of Lake Michigan to the Pacific Ocean. The first speech in the Senate in advocacy of the general measure was made by Senator Breeze, of Illinois, but the old without violating the absolute principles of justice. Now take the immense tract supposed to be set apart for the Pacific road, and in its natural state it is comparatively worthless for purposes of habitation and culture. The greater part, before the work was actually begun, and nineteen years before the road was connected through to San Francisco and the Pacific Ocean, it could not have better stated the true merits and influence of the enterprise had it been written at the present time, when the entire debt of the Pacific roads has been repaid to the national government. But neither Greeley nor Dana was content to rest the establishment of the commercial policy of the country solely on the advocacy of a protective tariff.
San Francisco (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
results from human labor and ingenuity is what is actually sold when the land is sold, and its price would not be diminished were all the rest of the public lands thrown open without pay to actual settlers as we shall do our best to have done. In fact, by this scheme the building of the road is made actually to create the capital which pays for it. Although this was written twelve years before the work was actually begun, and nineteen years before the road was connected through to San Francisco and the Pacific Ocean, it could not have better stated the true merits and influence of the enterprise had it been written at the present time, when the entire debt of the Pacific roads has been repaid to the national government. But neither Greeley nor Dana was content to rest the establishment of the commercial policy of the country solely on the advocacy of a protective tariff. While both favored the latter measure as absolutely essential to the development of our resources, both
Austria (Austria) (search for this): chapter 7
the articles of this period in favor of association, co-operation, and social reform were earnest and sympathetic, rather than positive and dogmatic. They show a great desire — a sincere hope for the amelioration of the human lot everywhere. All honest efforts to that end undoubtedly had his support, but there was a note of uncertainty throughout his writings based upon the undeniable fact that hope is a word implying doubt, and that he was not without apprehensions. The revolution in Austria was at this time still claiming the attention and exciting the interest of the world. Bern, the Polish hero, was fighting the battle of the Hungarians in the field, while Kossuth was pleading their cause in the press and on the forum with marvellous eloquence. Dana, true to his sympathies, gave them unstinted praise in the Tribune. His pen was ever true to the call of the downtrodden and oppressed. Liberty was the supreme blessing of mankind then, as it always remained, to him, and this
Hungary (Hungary) (search for this): chapter 7
use in the press and on the forum with marvellous eloquence. Dana, true to his sympathies, gave them unstinted praise in the Tribune. His pen was ever true to the call of the downtrodden and oppressed. Liberty was the supreme blessing of mankind then, as it always remained, to him, and this was as true in the case of an individual as in the case of a race or nation. He looked upon France at that time as the sheet-anchor of the liberties of the world, and regarded the issues of the war in Hungary as affecting the interests of all mankind. With deep intensity of feeling, he prayed, May God prosper the right. He criticised and condemned the Russian army, which had gone to the assistance of the Austrian government against its insurgent subjects, as the bane of human liberty, and the heartless tool of tyranny and absolutism. Indeed, no one can read his Tribune editorials on these subjects without being deeply impressed by the unselfish sympathy with which he always advocated the caus
Lake Michigan (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
esented for public consideration. He contendd that there was no hope of financing the undertaking, except by using the public lands as a source of capital, coupled with a judicious scheme for the colonization of the region through which the road should be located. This was in 1850, and it is a noteworthy fact that at that early date he favored the plans of Asa Whitney, who, as early as 1846, had made a proposition to the government for the construction of a line from the western end of Lake Michigan to the Pacific Ocean. The first speech in the Senate in advocacy of the general measure was made by Senator Breeze, of Illinois, but the bill which was finally passed was introduced by Senator Benton, of Missouri, in 1849. Dana gave this scheme his heartiest approval and support from the first, and urged that should the bounty land bill become a law, as he feared it would, it should be followed at once by another setting apart alternate sections for the railroad, within five miles on e
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